{short description of image}  
 

CRUCIBLE OF WAR

Fred Anderson

 

Subtitle: The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754 - 1766, Alfred A. Knopf, NY., 2000, 862 pgs., index, notes, bibliography, illustrations, maps

 
 

Reviewer comments:

Dr. Anderson narrates the story of the events of the Seven Years' War - events that are the actions of its many participants resulting from their decisions, which are based on their ideas. The book, then, is a story of the development of the ideas motivating these actors. Dr. Anderson's motive is to demonstrate the critical importance these new ideas had on the origins, course and results of the American Revolution, an importance he believes is generally overlooked in texts about that Revolution.

This is an important book on many levels. It is a marvelous example of extensive, detailed research; a great 'read' thanks to the author's writing skill; a new approach to the real background that led to the American Revolution; a study of the impact of 'contingency' in history; a narration of a multi-sided and multi-level conflict in which many individuals pursued their own personal and group or institutional goals without considering or being conscious of a relationship of those to much wider venues and political agents. In this respect it is an excellent historical example of what some recent economists have labeled 'public choice' meaning that they want to show by using economic tools that public officials and leaders act in pursuit of their own, personal goals, not as claimed, public betterment. The author also demonstrates the importance of individuals in determining the course of history.

Among the significant topics on which the author focuses is the generally overlooked importance of the Native Americans, especially the Iroquois, and their role before, during, and after the war. Another subject is the struggle among British politicians for personal power and prestige and its role in British policy and action in America. The reader recognizes the origins of future colonial rebellion in the demands Governor Shirley, Lord Loudoun and General Amherst made not only for increased funds from their legislatures but also from demands to quarter soldiers in private homes and the overbearing treatment the British gave to colonial officers. The author describes the growing conflict between provincial merchants, professionals and farmers and both royal officials in the colonies and merchants in England. Some of Loudoun's policies appear right in the Declaration of Independence. Likewise, the author presents a detailed and rather 'negative' account of the contentious role of the several separate American colonies during the initial phases of the war and again after the war.
The author strongly shows the influence of individuals - leadership - in history, but also the reality of fundamentals such as geography and demography as the stage on which the leaders sought their fortunes.
The author describes the French and Indian War as a conflict in itself - a conflict sure to take place without external connections, but he also shows how and why it fitted into the 'world wide' Seven Year's War, which also came about due to separate European politics apart from North America. And he also describes how the British Prime Ministers, Newcastle and especially Pitt, achieved success in America by linking these wars and employing a unified strategy.
The author carries the story through the creation and abolishment of the Stamp Act and several other efforts by Parliament to fund required but unexpected military defense and also deal with other aspects of the increasing conflict between the American colonists and Native Americans. He shows how these Acts were an integral result of the conditions created by the French and Indian War.

The participants, actors, in the war may be divided into six general categories:
1. The members of the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederation; among which individual leaders had conflicting objectives.
2. The many other Indian nations resident in Canada, in the British colonies and in the newly acquired western territories; who also had conflicting agendas.
3. The French Canadians, divided between the government rulers and the settlers;
4. French government in Paris, the most unified and authoritarian group of those involved; but the author does not stress the personal issues of the French leaders.
5. The inhabitants of the 13 British colonies, divided into 13 distinct societies each having its own situation, interests and political - social divisions. And within each colony there were strong rivalry and cultural conflicts between individuals.
6. The British government divided between Kings, Tories, Whigs, military commanders, and appointed colonial administrators.
Within each of these major categories there were many individuals; leaders, would-be leaders, and 'common' people all also having their own aspirations and beliefs. Dr. Anderson identifies and describes very many of these personalities; so many that a glossary of names would be a benefit.
The fundamental situation, which is evident throughout the narration, is that each individual in these 6 groups has his own opinion about his status, and who he is in life- and also an opinion about the status and who the others are in similar terms. And their opinions of each other are diametrically opposed to the "other's" opinions of them and themselves. The British rulers and officials, especially, act as if oblivious to the opinions of everyone else about them or about themselves.

A central issue throughout the war was its huge demand on resources, a demand that taxed the ability of all the participants to achieve. The story includes the relative ingenuity of the actors to create ways to accomplish their goals with the least, minimum resources. Relying on their antiquated methods the French largely failed. Due to the Glorious Revolution and its accompanying revolution in British fiscal and monetary methods (of which the author does show the results but does not explain the background) the British were able to generate unprecedented amounts of credit (and finance the resulting debt) throughout the sequence of 18th century wars. As with most, if not all wars, this one was financed on credit. And the relative results of relying on credit by the various provincial governments and the Parliament determined significant political policies. The British were largely saved, mid-way through the war, by the unexpected, substantial profits they made and denied to the French by gaining control over the former French trading stations in Africa, their West Indies plantations, and later by driving the French out of India.

While Dr. Anderson's stated goal is to increase recognition of the significance of the Seven Years' War in relation to the American Revolution, for the reader today it should have even further recognition. The motives and actions of the American colonists in the 18th century depicted here continued throughout the 19th century. The text is full of examples of the complexity of human ideas and actions throughout history even unto the present. We should consider that politicians today - indeed everyone - still seek the same personal aggrandizement so evident and on display in this account. And the conflict between goals and resources available to accomplish them remains, as always.

His general conclusion is that Grenville was honestly attempting to create as unified polity - empire - out of the vast areas, including North America and the West Indies but lacked knowledge and understanding of the very significant differences between these areas, their cultures and societies. But Anderson only describes some of the obvious results of the fundamental economic differences. A major one of which was that in England (as in Europe) land was expensive and labor was cheap, while in North America land was cheap and labor was expensive. He also does not give enough attention to the very different social-economic difference in class structure.

The placement of excellent (mostly theater related) maps in the first pages is very helpful and enables the reader to refer to them continually as needed. Throughout the narration at appropriate places there are detailed contemporary maps, diagrams, site plans of the forts, and campaign routes. There are portraits of the leading military commanders and politicians. The publishers should be congratulated for enabling a much richer series of maps and illustrations than one finds in most texts.

For the general reader the book is a classical example of political history, but with rather more than the usual detail devoted to key personalities. But this is but what is taking place on the 'theater stage' as it were. The student needs to look 'off stage - behind the scenery' to note the importance of other topics such as: geography, climate and weather, disease, economics, journalism, culture, beliefs, biases, psychology and personality, Dr. Anderson has stressed the specific roles of individual leaders throughout. Since many of these actors will be unknown to many readers, I have attempted to provide links next to an initial mention of them.

 
 

Special note for readers today:

Adam Smith, in his The Wealth of Nations, Book V, Section III, Of Public Debt - provides a very detailed description and analysis of the actual British public debt, and its funding mechanism (creation of credit), and significance during the 18th century to 1775. This is a little understood subject but was a central concern of politicians then. He compares and contrasts the British method with that of the French. He also discusses the significance of government debt in general. And he also makes recommendations about specific ways in which the American colonies might be taxed or by other means included in the essential procuess by which the debt might be reduced. However, he believes that a government debt, once created, will never be fully paid off. There are many other chapters in the book in which his comments are relevant to the understanding of Anderson's theme.

In the 1960's some innovative economists decided to apply economic theory and methods to the study of politics - specifically politicians and voting. The leaders were James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock. They coined the term 'public choice' and wrote prolifically on it. The concept is that (amazingly enough) the motivations of politicians actually are to enhance their own selfs rather than that of the public they claim to serve. Their books include: The Calculus of Consent - and The Theory of Public Choice. Somehow economists don't ascribe the same motivations to themselves, but that is a different story. At the time they claimed their revalations were resulting in change. But now, in 2017, we can see that nothing did change, except possibly to become worse. But, as this book clearly shows, any astute student of history would have shown them the reality of political motivations have not changed.
Enjoy the book.

 
 

Introduction: The Seven Year's War{short description of image} and the Disruption of the Old British Empire

Dr. Anderson states his case for writing this massive book. He notes that most Americans - including those who do study the American Revolution - miss important aspects of its background by the cursory treatment generally provided about the French and Indian War by the usual history books. He writes: "Coming to grips with the Seven Years' War as an event that decisively shaped American history, as well as the histories of Europe and the Atlantic World in general, may therefore help us begin to understand the colonial period as something more than a quaint mezzotint prelude to our national history."

He continues with description of the 'state of the art' in teaching about colonial history. "Virtually all modern accounts of the Revolution begin in 1763 with the Peace of Paris, {short description of image}the great treaty that concluded the Seven Years' War." But this is to ignore the actual beliefs and concepts of the participants. He provides in summary his conception of the decisive role the war played in subsequent events.
He writes: "I argue that the war's progression, from its early years of French predominance to its climax in the Anglo-American conquest of Canada, and particularly in its protraction beyond 1760, set in motion the forces that created a hollow British empire."

"The story that follows depicts the Seven Years' War above all as a theater of international interaction, an event by which the colonists of New France and British North America came into intimate contact both with metropolitan authorities -- men who spoke their languages but who did not share their views of the war or the character of the imperial relationship - and with Indian peoples, whose participation as allies, enemies, negotiators, and neutrals so critically shaped the war's outcome."

 
 

Prologue: Jumonville's Glen, May 28, 1754

The Glen is named for the French Ensign who was murdered there by an Iroquois chief seeking to preserve his own waning power. The author returns to the event in its chronological place in the narrative. But here he stresses his premise that this small, unexpected and isolated event was a (the?) significant proximate cause of Britain's entry in the Seven Years' War. He draws the same conclusion again in his summary.

The author does not note a similarity, but the reader can see one between this and the assassination of an Austrian grand duke in 1914.

 
 

Part I - The Origins of the Seven Years' War, 1450 - 1754

Summary: the balance of power in North America and the role of the Iroquois and other Indian nations. The previous French- English wars for control of the frontiers and beyond. The initial activities of George Washington. European national policies and diplomacy.

 
 

Chapter 1 - Iroquoia and Empire

The time is 1450 - 1735: This is an excellent and essential chapter in which the author enlightens the reader on the lengthy history of the Iroquois people. This is likely the least known aspect of the war for the readers. That it is essential for an understanding of the whole war comes from their critical role exercised from their geographic position between the competing French and British - the first seeking to solidify their positions in Canada and Louisiana by creating a strong barrier connecting the two and blocking British expansion in the Ohio country - and the second seeking to solve the problem of population expansion in their colonies east of the Allegheny Mountains.

The Iroquois {short description of image}recognized that their own security and even survival depended on their playing the two colonial powers off against each other. They had successfully conducted this strategy during Queen Anne's War (1701-13). {short description of image}They also had the problem of retaining their power over other Indian nations. The sophisticated strategic analysis and diplomatic skill of the Iroquois may come as a surprise to American students today. But this success led to Iroquois mistakes later (due to hubris and greed) which led to their decline.

 
 

Chapter 2 - The Erosion of Iroquois Influence

The time is 1736 - 1754: Not only did the Iroquois have to deal with the French and British, but also they sought to expand their empire and dominate adjacent tribes, especially the Delaware (Lenape) {short description of image}and the Shawnee, {short description of image}and create a secure route south over which they could send war parties to attack the Cherokee{short description of image} and Catawba. Their diplomats (representing always the Six Nations federation - from Onondaga) signed the Easton Treaty{short description of image} and agreed to support the Walking Purchase. {short description of image}But in 1744 they made a fatal mistake by misunderstanding and signing the Treaty of Lancaster by which they ceded their claims to land in Maryland and Virginia. But they were not informed by the Virginians that their colony's charter included ALL the land to the Pacific. The Virginia legislature immediately granted a huge part of Ohio to its own speculators.

The author describes the results of this over the next years in detail, highlighting the activities of the individuals involved. The competition of the Virginia land grabbers was not only with the Iroquois but also with the Pennsylvanians who also claimed a charter extending to the west, and with the French seeking to block both by establishing a line of forts from Lake Erie to the Ohio River.

 
 

Chapter 3 - London Moves to Counter a Threat

The time is 1753: Dr. Anderson turns to London to describe the views and policies of the three leading politicians, Thomas Pelham-Holles, duke of Newcastle {short description of image}(secretary of state for the Northern Department); John Russell, fourth duke of Bedford {short description of image}(secretary of state for the Southern Department); and George Montagu Dunk, second earl of Halifax {short description of image}(first commissioner of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations - the Board of Trade).{short description of image} These worthies were highly competitive with each other but they shared in the view that the French government strategy considered Europe and America as one and would declare war on Great Britian whenever it would suit them.
Therefore "the only reasonable response to this unpromising state of affairs was to treat French actions in Europe and American as two aspects of a single policy."

The author notes that as commissioner of the Board of Trade, Halifax had by far the most information and knowledge of real affairs in the colonies. But he lacked the executive power of the two secretaries of state. Meanwhile, Robert Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, {short description of image}was pursuing his own policies and agenda, namely to expand Virginia's domain to the Ohio River, especially at the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers..

 

Chapter 4 - Washington Steps onto the Stage

The time is 1753 - 1754: The author in this chapter relates George Washington's{short description of image} first trip to meet the French at Fort LeBoeuf. Along the way he conducted reconnaissance, and met with local Shawnee, Delaware and Mingo chiefs at Logstown {short description of image}. It was there that Washington met the Mingo self-appointed chief (half-king), Tanacharison,{short description of image} whose motive was to increase Iroquois and his own power over the local Indians. Washington returned to report that the French were not about to leave, but rather were expanding their chain of forts. Governor Dinwiddie ordered out militia, promoted Washington Lt. Col., and ordered him to block this French move. Dinwiddie despatched Captain Trent with volunteers and George Croghan{short description of image} (a merchant trader whose personal interests play a part for years) to build a fort, which they did with Tanacharison himself participating. But the Ohio Indians were not receptive to either the Virginians or the Mingo. The French soon arrived with overwhelming forces commanded by Captain Claude-Pierre Pecaudy, seigneur de Contrecoeur. {short description of image}There was no choice for the Virginians but to withdraw. Then the French set about building a very strong, Vauban style, fortress - Le Quesne, at the Forks of the Ohio.

 
 

Chapter 5 - ... And Stumbles

The time is 1754: Meanwhile Washington was still struggling to cross the Allegheny Mounains on his second expedition. Nearing the Forks, (in modern Pennsylvania) Washington came upon a small French detachment that was seeking to stop him. The result, described in detail by Dr. Anderson) was the 'battle of Jumonville's Glen{short description of image} where Tanacharison killed the already wounded Ensign Joseph Coulon de Villers de Jumonville. {short description of image}
The author describes not only the action but also the results - the contentious immediate descriptions - and the historians' varied opinions since.

 
 

Chapter 6 - Escalation

The time is 1754: Governor Dinwiddie sent reports to each of the responsible politicians in London, The French reported to their officials. Washington could only retreat and construct the temporary Fort Necessity,{short description of image} where he was forced to surrender and unsuspectingly signed a document admitting the murder of Jumonville. The Newcastle government reacted vigorously, ordering two regiments and material to Virginia with an objective of pushing the French far back. General Edward Braddock{short description of image} was assigned command to accomplish all this.
The French decided to increase their military position in Canada. They appointed general Jean-Armand, Baron de Dieskau{short description of image} to command. They also sought to realign the political alliances in Europe. In this strategy they joined the new diplomatic - military strategy separately desired by Maria Theresa, the Empress Queen of Austria. Thus, on both fronts, Europe and America, renewal of war between France and Great Britian was 'all but inevitable'.

 
 

Part II. Defeat, 1754 - 1755

Summary: The central theme of this section is described: "On the eve of war, the British colonies prove less interested in uniting than in jockeying for advantage." The American colonists come out looking rather self-centered - greedy - fractious - throughout the period.

 
 

Chapter 7 - The Albany Congress and Colonial Disunion

The time is 1754: The British government in London was more concerned with the military situation in North America than were the colonial legislatures. The Board of Trade ordered the colonies to hold a Congress at Albany{short description of image} (not a colonial initiative as some school text books infer). The purpose, not achieved, was to energize the provincials into increase of their own military defense measures through unified action. General Edward Braddock arrived with two Irish regiments and assumed his position as commander in chief of all colonial military policy and action.

Dr. Anderson describes the 'intrigue' and colonial in fighting that took place at Albany. The Pennsylvanians were determined to thwart Connecticut interlopers from staking claims in central and western Pennsylvania. To block Connecticut they rushed to demand the Iroquois dispose, by fraud, their own subject Delaware and Shawnee tribes from the Wyoming Valley. One result of this was that after the Delaware and Shawnee moved to Ohio they threw off their subordination to the short sighted Iroquois. Meanwhile the New Yorkers were were fighting each other over efforts to gain control of trade with the Mohawks.

Dr. Anderson comments: "Yet it was not all, or even mostly, economic and provincial interests that were at stake in the jockeying that went on at Albany: private ambitions and factional plotting were everywhere rife." He names the active individuals and describes their policies and activities. Interestingly, he assesses the Massachusetts commissioner, Thomas Hutchinson,{short description of image} as the 'least self-interested delegate". We will meet Hutchinson again, later, in Boston when he is destroyed by the mob fighting the Stamp Act. Anderson also gives high marks to Benjamin Franklin{short description of image} and William Shirley{short description of image} for their far seeing assessment of what was needed.

 

Chapter 8 - General Braddock Takes Command

The time is 1755: General Braddock arrives in Virginia as supreme commander, to be followed by the 44th and 48th Foot. He didn't waste time in issuing a stream of orders to each colonial governor directing what they WOULD do to prepare for war. In April he convened a conference of governors in Alexandria. But he did not understand that his official position did not elicit the automatic results he expected. He simply laid out an ambitious and complex plan for conducting four offensives against the French from Maryland to Nova Scotia. He appointed Massachusetts governor William Shirley as major general and second in command to lead a campaign against Fort Niagara and Sir William Johnson{short description of image} (married to a Mohawk and perennial British commissioner to the Iroquois) to lead a force of Mohawk warriors and colonial militia against Crown Point{short description of image} on Lake Champlain. He also ordered a militia attack in Nova Scotia. All this was too much for the manpower resources (volunteers) available. All this planning was done in London under duke Cumberland's direction and Braddock was determined to follow orders to the letter.

One has to either give Braddock credit for his bravery and willingness to lead a campaign into unknown wilderness or fault him for neglecting his role as commander in chief of the entire British military policy and campaigns.
In addition to failure to understand the geography and demography the British failed to recognize the intense rivalry of the principal colonial leaders, for instance, Pownall, Shirley, De Lancy, Johnson, Dinwiddie, Franklin and Morris.

 
 

Chapter 9 - Disaster on the Monongahela

The time is 1755: General Braddock joined his army at Willis Creek and Fort Cumberland{short description of image} in Maryland on the Potomac. Sir William Johnson and George Croghan, experts from years of trading with the Indians brought in the chiefs of the critical Indian (allies?) such as Scarouady{short description of image} and Shingas{short description of image} to met Braddock. Braddock promptly converted them into enemies by his arrogance and orders. In addition to being arrogant he was ignorant. The remainder of the chapter tells the tragic story. General Braddock had organzed his force of over 2000 in a well designed - European - typical - march column with advance guard, flank guards, rear guard and internal structure. But they were moving through dense forests, creating a road as they went.
Anderson draws important conclusions from the nature of the British and American colonials' beliefs, methods for conducting war against Indians and the false 'lessons' they drew from the disaster.

 
 

Chapter 10 - After Braddock: William Shirley and the Northern Campaigns

The time is 1755: Dr. Anderson describes the immediate local result of the defeat. "With so few soldiers to protect it, the frontier simply collapsed".
Virginia governor Dinwiddie raised a new regiment and Washington accepted command. Indian raids into Virginia and Pennsylvania intensified. The Shawnee quickly sided with the French. The Delaware again sought alliance with the British, sending a senior chief to meet them in Philidelphia. They were dismissed, so returned to Fort Duquense{short description of image} to ally with the French.

The author turns to describe the situation in New York - Governor (and general) William Shirley's campaign west from Albany to Fort Niagara and Sir William Johnson's campaign from Albany north to Crown Point. The two leaders were rivals and refused to assist each other. The French received a new governor-general, Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil de Cavagnial, marquis de Vaudreuil{short description of image} and professional military commander, Baron Jean-Armand de Dieskau.

The Iroquois declared neutrality. General Dieskau and marquis de Vaudreuil arrived in June and decided that the 'greatest threat was the Niagara campaign." Dieskau prepared to move to its defense, but then the French learned that Johnson was moving against Fort St. Frederic at Crown Point. Dieskau moved south for a preemptory attack on Fort Edward{short description of image} the British supply point south of Lake George. The result was a battle of Fort George in which both sides had losses, but the chief loss to the French was the death of Baron Dieskau. Following the battle the French fortified Ticonderoga (Fort Carillon){short description of image} and the British Fort William Henry.{short description of image}

The only success of the season was the colonial campaign to take full control of Nova Scotia, Having done that, the British deported most of the Acadian population. (Recounted by Longfellow in his tragic poem, Evangeline).

 
 

Chapter 11 - British Politics, and a Revolution in European Diplomacy

The time is 1755: In Europe, 1755 marked a diplomatic revolution. Despite the fighting already taking place in America, France and Great Britian were officially at peace, but not for long. The French had been successful in America, they had managed to bring sufficient military forces to Canada despite British naval efforts to prevent that. They had blocked and destroyed British offensives toward Canada. And they had opened Indian warfare against the colonies from New Hampshire to North Carolina. And they had given themselves a casus belli to declare a defensive war.
The British government was in chaos and was paralyzed. For one serious thing, the Prime Minister, the Duke of Newcastle, {short description of image}was a peer, thus unable to sit in the House of Commons. But he could not find a MP who could successfully take his place. And on the continent Britain was hampered because its king was the Elector of Hanover and determined to defend his vulnerable homeland.
Meanwhile, the Austrians were determined to regain Silesia. The result of all this was the "Diplomatic Revolution" so famous in school text books. France switched from alliance with Prussia for Austria. Austria switched from alliance with Britain for France. The change appeared to augur peace in Europe even if Great Britian and France went to war over America. But an unexpected event changed the whole situation. King Frederick II of Prussia attacked Austria.
Newcastle and Cumberland replaced Shirley as governor by Thomas Pownall,{short description of image} and replaced the dead Braddock by Lieutenant General John Campbell, fourth earl of Loudoun.{short description of image} His second in command was Major General James Abercrombie. {short description of image}

 
 

Part III. Nadir, 1756 - 1757

Summary: Governor Shirley takes over after Braddock. Then Lord Loudoun replaces him and changes policies. British defeats. Colonial politics. War begins on the Continent. Loudoun generates colonial resistance. William Pitt{short description of image} takes over in London in the midst of an increasing disaster in Europe.

 
 

Chapter 12 - Lord Loudoun Takes Command

The time is 1756: The French also sent a new commander with a fleet and more troops. This was Louis-Joseph, marquis de Montcalm-Gozon de Saint-Veran.{short description of image} Unfortunately for France, Montcalm held the same opinion of the Indians as did the senior British general, disdain for their use in battle. And he also placed little reliance on the Canadians. But the results only became serious gradually. He didn't have to contend with the opposition of 13 colonial legislatures as did Lord Loudoun, but he did have serious disputes with his own civil governor, marquis de Vaudreuil.

Anderson's assessment is critical for understanding events and results. "To understand how and why the Anglo-Americans failed to take advantage of their vastly superior numbers and resources, and to see the reasons behind Montcalm's abandonment of strategies of proven merit, is to begin to grasp the decisive influence of cultural factors in shaping the last and greatest of America's colonial wars."

As 1756 opened William Shirley was still both governor of Massachusetts and commanding general of British forces in America, his recall had not yet arrived and he was attempting to undertake the military campaigns he had planed the previous fall. Although he managed to find volunteers the legislatures didn't provide enough funds. At least Massachusets and Connecticut did raise troops for a campaign in New York. He proposed to cut French communications to the west by capturing Fort La Galette on the St. Lawrence and Fort Frontenac{short description of image} on Lake Ontario. His plans for deployment of his British regular regiments separately from the colonial militia regiments was based on his knowledge that British regulations themselves resulted in the colonial officers and men refusing to serve under British command. Thus the offensive against Crown Point was to be an entirely colonial operation while the offensive against Fort Frontenac was to be an entirely regular operation. His assurance resulted on excellent responses from the colonial legislatures and large numbers of volunteers. To organize the logistics of the longer distance of the campaign to Fort Frontenac he found Captain John Bradstreet {short description of image}, an American officer in the 51st Regiment. ( We will learn much more about Bradstreet's lengthy career further on.) Bradstreet's present assignment was to organize the essential bateaux convoys to carry supplies through western New York.
Lord Loudoun arrived only in July but brought with him the 35th Foot and the famous 42nd Foot (the Black Watch).{short description of image} In addition the 62nd (then 60th) Foot, The Royal Americans, would be a Regular British regiment but composed of American colonists (mostly Germans). Loudoun's authority was supreme and in addition he would be governor of Virginia. He was an 'old school' aristocratic, professional officer imbued with the prerogatives as well as the temperament expected of European officers. He immediately objected to Governor Shirley's disposition of an all colonial force to conduct the northern campaign toward Crown Point. He immediately came in conflict with the New England colonial legislatures and wrote that as long as the royal governors were paid by the colonies rather than the Crown there would be trouble. He could not understand why the officials continually cited the Rights of Englishmen in refusing to quarter his soldiers in private homes.

Dr. Anderson brings out all the misunderstandings of the British officials both in the colonies and in London that were sources of the Revolution. Loudoun especially refused to recognize that American provincial volunteer officers and men would refuse to serve with and under British regulars because their rank was ignored and subordinated to junior British officers, and in general they were socially disdained.

 
 

Chapter 13 - Oswego

The time is 1756: By Summer of 1756 General Montcalm had agreed, somewhat reluctantly, with Governor-General Vaudreuil that the first strategic offensive should be to take the British fort at Oswego{short description of image} in order to eliminate their potential power on the Great Lakes. Montcalm's opinion of the Indians and Canadians as military allies was similar to that of Loudoun, but he had more need of them in the conduct of frontier warfare. He found that the French already had a century of good relations with all except the Iroquois and could call upon tribes as far west as Lake Superior. But the Indians came of their own accord and fought according to their own methods and for their own purposes: trophies, prestige, and prisoners.Battle
In this chapter Anderson describes the easy victory of Montcalm over the British garrison at Oswego and the subsequent Indian 'massacre'.

 
 

Chapter 14 -The State of the Central Colonies

The time is 1756: The author turns attention from the northern frontier to the situation in the middle colonies; Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, whose western frontiers were wide open and already subjected to continual raids. The settlers in their furthermost western areas were fleeing east. In Pennsylvania the political conflict between the pacifist Quakers and the frontier settlers greatly reduced defenses. In the process they did not answer to the pleas of the Delaware for support against attacks.
In Maryland the relatively populated eastern coastal communities did not provide enough funds to hold the narrow frontier and abandoned such defenses as Fort Cumberland, against orders. The furthermost west fort in Maryland would be Fort Frederick, {short description of image}close to the Potomac River. (The Fort still exists as a tourist destination.)

In Virginia the coastal wealthy planters were more concerned with defense against potential slave revolts than the far west. But there was enough special interest from land speculators (investors) to create enough support for the legislature to authorize raising a large regiment (never fully manned) and commission George Washington to command it. A series of small forts was built but it didn't stop raids. Governor Dinwiddie tried to entice the Cherokee and Catawba to join in fighting their hereditary enemies the Iroquois but without success.

 
 

Chapter 15 -The Strains of Empire: Causes of Anglo--American Friction

The time is 1756: In this chapter the author summarizes all the sources of conflict between the colonists and the British overlords. The result was that by 1756 the French were winning. He analyzes the situation and identifies causes.
1 - He points to Lord Loudoun himself, for both his personality and his lack of understanding of the colonists' culture and political views.
2 - Neither the Crown nor the colonists were willing to pay for an adequate defense.

 
 

Chapter 16 - Britain Drifts into a European War

The time is 1756: With undeclared war already in progress in North America, the author turns attention to the manner in which it spread to continental Europe, where the Powers had much different objectives. In Great Britian the personal and party power struggle, centered on Pitt, Fox, Cumberland, Newcastle and King George II, paralyzed government. On the continent the "Diplomatic Revolution" previously described forced British policy. Defense of Hanover was a major policy consideration. In August 1756 Frederick II of Prussia invaded Austrian Saxony. This required France to aid Austria along with the Russians. Great Britian had to switch financial and military support from Austria to Prussia.

Anderson mentions in his narrative the enormous sums that Britain spent on subsidies to the Prussians and others and the costs of war in America. It would be something of a digression, but the readers would obtain a better view of how the British did this throughout the 18th century if the author would describe the financial - monetary revolution that resulted from the creation of the Bank of England and the fundamental change when government expenditures, in particular for war, became a debt for the country rather than the monarch personally. The budget then became a creature of Parliament rather than the Privy Purse.

 
 

Chapter 17 - The Fortunes of War in Europe

The time is 1757: A brief summary of military events in 1757 in which Frederick's fortunes waxed and waned and Cumberland was sent to take command of the Hanoverian army and was forced to sue for peace. But in India Robert Clive accomplished stunning victories, while in America Lord Loudoun was preparing to attack Fortress Louisbourg.

 
 

Chapter 18 - Loudoun's Offensive

The time is 1757: The author returns to America to describe conditions and Loudoun's attack at Louisbourg{short description of image} in particular. Loudoun had wanted to use his regulars to attack Quebec, but Pitt ordered him to take Louisbourg first. In preparation he reorganized the logistics and established new contract procedures for enlisting colonial soldiers. He also decreed a full embargo, prohibiting any ships from departing any port except on military business. This was because he found that New England merchants were profiting from trade with Canada. The economic disaster was yet another indication to merchants and shipowners that British officials did not have their interests in mind. The Virginia and Maryland legislatures forced Loudoun to end it. But by virtue of his hard and skillful work Loudoun sailed on 20 June with over 100 ships and 6000 troops.

 
 

Chapter 19 - Fort William Henry {short description of image}

The time is 1757: This chapter describes the famous French siege and destruction of the main British fort in New York protecting the route through the lakes to the Hudson River. Of course the siege was featured in James Fenimore Cooper's story "Last of the Mohicans" and in the movie based on the book.

Anderson's detailed description of Montcalm's preparations and General Daniel Webb's{short description of image} lack of support to Lt. Colonel Monro{short description of image} in the fort provides much more information. One striking fact is the huge (2000+) Indian contingent Montcalm allowed to assemble with members from 33 different nations including Indians from as far west as Iowa and Minnesota and including 820 Indians from Catholic missions from the Atlantic to the Great Lakes. Such an assembly was never repeated, in part due to Montcalm's own treatment of those Indians.

 
 

Chapter 20 - Other Disasters, and a Ray of Hope

The time is 1757: The author turns to the Southern Department in 1757 - colonies from Pennsylvania to Georgia. Fort Loudoun was built in "modern' Tennessee in Cherokee country. The French coming north from Alabama and Shawnee south from Ohio were trying to entice the Cherokee to enter the war. As before, the Maryland assembly refused to provide funds. The situation in Virginia improved slightly. Washington lobbied Lord Loudoun to take the Virginia Regiment into the Royal service in order for it to receive funds. Loudoun refused but detached a battalion of the Royal American Regiment commanded by Colonel John Stanwix{short description of image} in Pennsylvania, leaving the 350 miles of Virginia frontier with 18 forts to its own regiment. Lord Loudoun did send a unit of the 42nd and some of the Royal Americans to the Carolina frontier.

Governor-General Vaudreuil could report to France that the western parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were now depopulated.
In Pennsylvania some Quaker leaders led by Israel Pemberton{short description of image} began to negotiate with Teedyuscung, {short description of image}and {short description of image}the Delaware leader at the Easton Conference {short description of image}. The Delaware were desperate for trade goods and to regain their lands in the Wyoming valley lost at the Walking Purchase {short description of image}in 1737. Pennsylvania governor William Denny participated on behalf of the Penn family, still proprietors, but more as the representative of earl Loudoun. The Iroquois representatives opposed returning the Delaware lands to them. Anderson explains in detail the cross purposes and private interests of each of the many delegations at the conference. It appears that only Teedyuscng's efforts in behalf of the Delawares were honest.

 
 

Chapter 21 - Pitt Changes Course

The time is December 1757: While the Easton Conference was underway, and Fort William Henry was besieged, Lord Loudoun was sitting at Halifax with his army and fleet waiting for weather to enable him to attack Louisbourg. At the same time the French reinforced the fortress with a fleet of 18 ships of the line and 5 frigates. Lord Loudoun was forced to abandon the expedition and return to New York, when Admiral Francis Holburne {short description of image}counseled that he could not defeat that large French fleet. After escorting the army back to New York, Admiral Holburne sailed to the St. Lawrence and lost much of his fleet in a hurricane.
Once back in New York Lord Loudoun was busy attempting to launce and offensive against the French. His target for the winter expedition was the French Fort Carillon at the other end of Lake George. But a harsh winter precluded that. Meanwhile he had continual confrontations with the colonies' governors and legislatures. There were anti-recruitment riots everywhere. He faced increased opposition from the colonists on all sides.
In a way PM William Pitt {short description of image}relieved Loudoun of his great difficulties by relieving him of his post. And the change Pitt made was a part of an entire change in the strategy for conducting the entire World War - actually in fact making it a World War. Pitt's political strength to accomplish this resulted from the downfall of the duke of Cumberland (King George II's son) who was trapped in Hanover by the French and forced to surrender.
Pitt's new strategy was to leave the war on the continent to the Prussian King Frederick, even though he faced simultaneous offensives by the French, Swedes, Russians and Austrians. And to devote all British resources to a naval war against France and a full scale land war in America, contingent on the British navy's ability to prevent the French from increasing their strength there. In addition the naval war would enable to British to attack French posts in India, Africa and the West Indies. The immediate price would be a huge financial subsidy to Frederick. He also planned to defend Britian itself with the navy and local militia in order to send more regulars overseas. The strategy would also require a major increase in the colonial contribution in manpower and finance. This would require changing the British policy toward the provincials. He would treat them as allies rather than subordinates. And this meant, among other things, that provincial officers would be raised in status to match the Royal officers. To serve as the professinal military commanders to execute his policy, Pitt appointed two of his most brilliant and experienced senior officers, George Lord Anson {short description of image}as First Lord of the Admiralty and General Sir John Ligonier{short description of image} as Commander in Chief of the Army. Instead of sending a British general to command the Hanoverian Army he arranged for Frederick to appoint a German.

 
 

Part IV. Turning Point, 1758

Summary: Pitt's new policies begin to reverse the situation in the colonies and on the continent. The French attempt to change. Montcalm wins another great victory at Ticonderoga but the British win at Louisbourg and Fort Frontenac. Indian diplomacy assists Forbes in gaining Fort Dusquesne. The author's assessment.

 
 

Chapter 22 - Deadlock, and a New Beginning

The time is January- May 1758: Lord Loudoun over the winter had the New England assemblies recruit more militia to defend the frontier after the loss of Fort William Henry. But Massassachutes only garrisoned its own frontier forts. But when Loudoun ordered Massachustts men to extend their service beyond their contract date, despite his advancing pay from his resources, there was strong resistance. The men marched for home. The Massachusetts assembly invited the other colonies to meet in defiance of Loudoun, and his own person, Thomas Pownall, {short description of image}now governor, had encouraged them. But Pownell recognized that as governor he could accomplish nothing without the agreement of the legislatures. He had connived to insure Shirley's downfall, so now had to cater to the latter's opponents. He sought to place all control over contracts for supply and appointment of officers in his hands in order to create patronage and a network of allies. Loudoun fought back in his reports to Parliament. But Pitt recognized that to execute his new strategy he would need a new set of leaders. Henceforth he would govern through the provincial governors instead of a 'viceroy'. And he would change the vexing issue of officer's ranks. He also would offer subsidies to the legislatures rather than demand heavy taxes.

The response was practically instantaneous. Lord Loudoun was replaced and new, experienced, younger officers were sent to command.
Dr. Anderson writes: "To a truly remarkable degree, Pitt's new policies took advantage of the strengths of the colonists and compensated for their deficiencies, tolerated their parochialism and capitalized on their hatred of Loudoun.... The effects of the new policies were immediately evident in the response of the assemblies...."

 
 

Chapter 23 - Old Strategies, New Men, and a Shift in the Balance

The time is now early 1758: Pitt's plans for the year's campaigns were almost the same as that which Loudoun had been preparing. The geography channeled the options. There would be four separate campaigns.
1 -capture of Fortress Louisbourg;
2 -advance north along the lake axis to capture Ticonderoga;
3 - campaign across New York to capture Fort Frontenac;
4 - march across Pennsylvania to capture Fort Duquense.
Pitt asked Lord Ligonier to nominate the new commanders, and he selected Jeffery Amherst, {short description of image}James Wolfe, {short description of image}John Forbes {short description of image}and George Augustus, Viscount Howe{short description of image}. But he allowed James Abercromby, Lord Loudoun's 2nd in command, to remain as the theater commander. General Abercromby with Viscount Howe would attack Fort Cariillon (Ticonderoga); Jeffery Amhurst and James Wolfe would attack Fortress Louisbourg. Colonel John Bradstreet would remain to command the attack on Fort Frontenac and John Forbes would march to capture Fort Duquesne. And to accomplish these complex assignments Pitt send the largest military force yet to North America. Amherst had 14,00 men, plus a large fleet. Abercromby had 25,000 men. Forbes had 2,000 regulars and 5,000 provincials. Not counting support troops and contractors the combat strength was about 50,000.


The French had 6,800 regulars, 2,700 troupes de la marine, and 16,000 Canadian militia. But absent were the critical Indians who had lost interest after their effort at Fort William Henry. Plus, Montcalm faced a serious food shortage due to failed harvest and the British blockade of supplies from France. And he faced the same kind of financial corruption and self-dealing as was common in the American colonies. Moreover, he had a similar conflict with his civilian leader, Governor-General Vaudreuil, as Loudoun had faced with his colonial governors.

 
 

Chapter 24 - Montcalm Raises a Cross: The Battle of Ticonderoga

The time is July 1758: The chapter is a detailed description of General Abercromby's famous disaster at Fort Carillon{short description of image} in the outworks that Montcalm had quickly thown up outside the fort. Montcalm had only 3,526 men there. In the very opening phase Lord Howe was killed, depriving the army of a vigorous leader and generating a morale loss. General Abercromby failed even to bring his large artillery train, failed to conduct an engineer reconnaissance of the fortifications, and then launched repeated frontal attacks into the abatis. After suffering very great losses, especially in the Black Watch, he then retreated.

 
 

Chapter 25 - Amhurst at Louisbourg

The time is June-July 1758: While Abercromby was struggling to move against Fort Carillon, General Amhurst had captured Fortress Louisbourg{short description of image}This was a real Vauban design fortification. Amhurst conducted a standard Vauban style siege with the typical Vauban predicted result. He captured the place. SiegeThe British remembered the fate of their garrison at Fort William Henry. After that, in revenge, they did not allow the defeated French the standard European 'honors of war' but rather took all the defenders as prisoners of war, deported the soldiers to England and the civilians to France.

 
 

Chapter 26 - Supply Holds the Key

The time is 1758: The British victory at Fortress Louisbourg, and, indeed, their subsequent strategic victory, was won at sea, as Pitt had planed, by the superiority of the British Navy over the French, which prevented the latter from supporting its overseas establishments, not only in North America.

 
 

Chapter 27 - Bradstreet at Fort Frontenac {short description of image}

The time is July- August 1758: While Abercromby was failing at Fort Carillon and Amhurst was succeeding at Fortress Louisbourg, junior officer, Lieutenant Colonel John Bradstreet was successfully conducting the raid he had proposed to destroy Fort Frontenac.{short description of image} This accomplishment was due to his personal ability to conceive of and then execute bateaux transportation via the rivers, and lakes in New York between Albany and Niagara, plus employ Indians and rangers in frontier warfare. His campaign was not included in Pitt's overall plan, but after suffering such a humiliating defeat at Fort Carillon, General Abercromby relented and authorized the campaign and assigned the forces to conduct it. The results of the raid were spectacular, even though Bradstreet had no intention of holding the fort, once taken. The store of provisions there was so great than he could only transport a portion back and had to destroy the remainder.

 
 

Chapter 28 - Indian Diplomacy and the Fall of Fort Duquense

The time is Autumn 1758: General Abercromby took another calculated risk in authorizing General Forbes to negotiate directly with the several Indian nations in Pennsylvania and the Ohio region, despite the official policy that all such negotiations were the responsibility of Sir William Johnson. {short description of image}Such diplomacy involved many self-serving rivals among the British, provincials and Indians, all of whom would be sabotaging their own people to achieve their own objectives. But Forbes knew probably more than any of the British senior commanders the vital role the Indians had along the frontier. A campaign against Fort Duquense was impossible without securing some assistance and at least neutrality from the rest of the local nations.
The author in this chapter combines a description of the complex negotiations with multiple Indian leaders and nations with his narration of the methodical way Forbes built his road and moved his small force from Carlisle to the Forks of the Ohio.

George Washington was participating as commander of one of the Virginia regiments. Anderson makes note of Washington's big effort to convince Forbes that he should conduct the expedition using Braddock's Road from Cumberland rather than create one directly west across Pennsylvania. Forbes well understood that Washington's lobbying effort was due to his and his fellow Virginians' efforts to secure the acquisition of Ohio land for their own speculation. The rivalry between Virginia and Pennsylvania over control of the Ohio country continued through the American Revolution and establishment of the new country.

The negotiations with the Indians was conducted at Easton, Pennsylvania and resulted in the important Treaty of Easton {short description of image}signed on October 25-26, 1758. Of course the Treaty was the result of lying by many of the signers and set to fail. The principal losers were the eastern Delaware and especially their leader, Teedyuscung,{short description of image} who had devoted all his efforts to establish a lasting peace for his people with the British and provincials. The hero of the year as far as the British are concerned was General Forbes, who, despite suffering from severe medical problems led his expedition in person all the way to the ruin of Fort Duquense and began construction of a replacement before being carried back to Philadelphia to die.

 
 

Chapter 29 - Educations in Arms

The time is 1754 - 1758: Abercromby and Forbes concluded their campaigns and released their provincials on time. Dr. Anderson describes what the provincials learned from their experience. It was not good. They certainly drew a view of contempt and disgust over the Abercromby episode at Fort Carillon. They also recogninzed that the entire British way of thinking and social system was no longer theirs, despite their remaining still British subjects.

He writes: "The experience of service with the regulars left enduring marks on the provincials, and not only on those who left the army with scars on their backs." "From 1756 onward, the Anglo-American armies became arenas of intercultural contact in which tens of thousands of American colonists encountered the British cultural and class system as refracted through the prism of the regular army."

Anderson singles out George Washington, who had been on active service for 5 years, as being significantly influenced by his observations. He devotes several pages to analysis and commentary about George Washington. Upon resigning his commission after failing in his efforts to become a regular British officer, Washington organized his election and then took his seat in the House of Burgesses. Anderson's assessment of Washington is that he was a very ambitious young man. The reader should compare this with Chernow's appraisal of Washington in his excellent biography.

 
 

Part V. Annus Miralis, 1759

Summary: Victories in the field strengthen Pitt in Parliament. He expands his strategy to wage war against French colonies world-wide. British are victorious at Niagara, Ticonderoga and Crown Point- And QUEBEC. General Amhurst begins to repeat Lord Loudoun's attitude and mistakes versus the provincials but they are temporarily at least enthusiastic over recent victories. The increasing dangers facing Prussian King Frederick II. The decisive British victory at Quiberon Bay.

 
 

Chapter 30 - Success, Anxiety, and Power: The Assent of William Pitt {short description of image}

The time is late 1758: The author describes the joyful reception Captain William Amherst (General Jeffery Amherst's brother) had, when he delivered the news that Fortress Louisbourg had been captured. But this was shortly followed by the terrible news of Abercromby's disaster at Fort Carillon. At the same time the war on the continent was draining Prussian resources, despite Frederick's brilliant tactical victories. Pitt was forced to abandon his previous policy by increasing the British payments and even dispatch 7,000 troops to assist, by joining the Hanoverian Army. It was a partial abandonment, since he did not change his naval policy on a world-wide scale.

Anderson notes that the British government lacked a unified war department to provide intelligence and consider broad strategy. It was fortunate to have two of the best officers in command - Admiral of the Fleet George Anson and General Lord Ligonier. In September he relieved Abercromby and appointed Amhurst as supreme commander in the American colonies. That year he also captured Senegal and all the French out posts on the African coast. Then he sent an expedition to the West Indies to take Martinique. And for 1759 he appointed James Wolfe to{short description of image} organize a force from Louisbourg to attack Quebec via the St. Lawrence while Amhurst attacked Canada via Lake George and Lake Ontario.

Again, in passing, Anderson notes that Pitt was paying for all this huge expense on credit from the bankers and merchants in London. He should have taken the opportunity to explain how this was made possible by the creation of the Bank of England and the financial revolution that took place then. He does mention in passing the significance of the British taking the French outposts in Senegal and along the African coast, and in taking plantation islands in the West Indies, but much more about the results of these could be described. For instance, he might mention that the London merchants were making fortunes from the profits that British naval power enabled them to receive from overseas.

 
 

Chapter 31 - Ministerial Uncertainties

The time is 1759: The British war effort is costing such huge demands for credit that it is threatened. Pitt's campaign against Martinique fails but instead it captures an even better island, Guadalupe. The French planters there immediately switched their trade for the American colonies and England. The British took over the profits in the slave trade to the West Indies, the marketing of gum arabic and sugar, and profits from products out of Africa. As I noted, the financial results were dramatic. Millions of pounds sterling flowed into the British Treasury.

 
 

Chapter 32 - Surfeit of Enthusiasm, Shortage of Resources

The time is 1759: Again, Anderson stresses that the cost of the war was driving Massachusetts and the rest of New England deeply into debt from their payments for resources by credit. In a word, Massachusetts was already technically bankrupt. Insolvency was delayed by Pitt sending huge quantities of gold and silver coin for salaries.

Anderson describes the dire straits facing Massachusetts both financially and in manpower. Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island were in similar condition. Even so, for 1759 they together managed to enlist almost 17,000 men, not counting those serving at sea. He describes also the varied resources of the middle and southern provinces. Again local politics were dominant and the rivalry between Virginia and Pennsylvania for ultimate control of the Ohio territory energized their self-serving efforts.

 
 

Chapter 33 - Emblem of Empire: Fort Pitt and the Indians

The time is 1759: This is a brief but very interesting chapter in which the author combines a summary of the separate but related subjects - the difficulties the British (and provincials) had in maintaining their new positions on the western frontier logistically and new relations with the several Indian nations. It is an outline of the more detailed analysis coming in following chapters. Supply at Fort Pitt required not only that required for the new garrison and the extensive building effort to create a fortress much larger and more powerful that Dusquense, but also the 'gift' subsidies demanded by the Shawnee, Delaware and Mingo tribes that the British promised to replace those formerly provided by the French. The author includes an illustration (one of many of the forts and battlefields) of the new Fort Pitt.

 
 

Chapter 34 - The Six Nations Join the Fight: The Siege of Niagara {short description of image}

The time is July 1759: In this chapter the author describes something not found in our standard history text books. He has studied the inner workings of Iroquois strategic policy and diplomacy during the entire 18th century. In this chapter, as the title indicates, he shows the Iroquois reasoning behind their "join the fight" - that is the momentous change from strict neutrality to going 'all in' to support the British rather than the French. They deemed it essential and it was important in the short run, but in the long run it drastically reduced their power as an independent military force between the French and British.

Of course eventually the British victory and elimination of the French would render Iroquois 'neutrality' irrelevant anyway.
The immediate occasion for the Iroquois diplomatic - military shift was the British (colonial) campaign to besiege French Fort Niagara. But their broader goal was to gain and retain their suzerainty over their 'dependent' Indian nations - Shawnee, Delaware and Mingo who were being pushed west from their homelands in eastern and central Pennsylvania to the Ohio Valley - and to gain control over the indigenous Indians resident throughout Ohio and even the Great Lakes region.

Fort Niagara was located on the east side of the narrow Niagara River connecting Lakes Erie and Ontario. For the French it was critical in two ways, as it was for the British later and for the Americans still later. It controlled the passage of supplies from Lake Ontario to Lake Erie, hence all resupply and reinforcement of the forts and trading posts west throughout the Great Lakes region and south west to the Ohio River valley and from there to St. Louis and Louisiana. And it was the critical route to the Indian nations as far as Lake Superior, from whom they received fur and warriors. Its capture was an integral part of the British strategy for 1759.
Brigadier General John Prideaux {short description of image}was assigned the mission to take it. The bateaux transport system from Schenectady to Oswego was one critical element. Another was the successful effort of Sir William Johnson to convince the Six Nations' central command (Onondaga) to switch from neutrality to support. They did not need convincing as their strategic policy (as mentioned above) already considered it most important to assert their continued suzerainty over the Ohio valley. It was the Iroquois who approached Johnson with the concept. Thus a thousand Iroquois warriors were waiting at Oswego in June to join Prideaux.

Anderson notes that the British did not understand the reason for this abrupt change and did not seek to find out. The British thought the Iroquois had decided to assist them. But the Iroquois thought they would obtain British military power to assist themselves in their effort to control the Ohio valley Indians.
Fort Niagara {short description of image}was a much stronger fort than Fort Frontenac, but it was undermanned since its commander, Captain Pierre Pouchot,{short description of image} believed his Seneca would alert him of any British advance, so he had dispatched 2,500 of his 3,000 man garrison to assist Captain Francois-Marie Le Marchand Lignery{short description of image} at Fort Machault in retaking Dusquense. Thus he (and also his local Senecas) were surprised on 6 July when Prideaux arrived and opened a siege. Pouchot quickly sent word to Lignery to rush to Fort Niagara, which the latter did, only to be destroyed by an emplacement hastily constructed by the 46th Regiment. (Battle of La Belle-Familie) Lignery was among the dead. Meanwhile the main Seneca contingent with Prideaux convinced their kinsmen at Niagara to depart, which they did under a truce. After that British artillery quickly reduced the fort to rubble. But General Prideaux had his head blown off by one of his own mortars as he walked in front of it. Sir William Johnson took command. After Pouchot surrendered, Johnson contacted the other Indian nations around the Great Lakes. Amhurst sent Brigadier General Thomas Gage{short description of image} to command and rebuild Fort Niagara. The French abandoned their forts along the Ohio axis, those further west had to depend on French control of Louisiana. And the Indian nations in the pays d'en haut ceased coming to the aid of the French at Quebec.

 
 

Chapter 35 - General Amherst Hesitates: Ticonderoga and Crown Point

The time is July- August 1759: General Amhurst had been slowly and carefully moving north from Ticonderoga on the Lake Champlain route with about 10,000 men. He was hampered by lack of ships on the lake, so had to wait for new ones to be built. For a base of operations he built Fort George to replace Fort William Henry. He captured Fort Carillon easily and repaired it as Fort Ticonderoga. At Crown Point the French also abandoned their Fort St. Frederic. Amhurst built a larger and more powerful Fort Crown Point. All this while Amhurst did not know the results of Wolfe's expedition to Quebec.

 
 

Chapter 36 - Dubious Battle: Wolfe Meets Montcalm at Quebec{short description of image}

The time is June - September 1759: The theme of this chapter is a detailed narration and analysis of Wolfe's victory and capture, despite dying on the Plains of Abraham, of Quebec and the immediate results and situation. British command there devolved on Brigadier James Murray,{short description of image} the Scot who led the 73rd Foot - Highlanders - in their wild, claymore wielding, assault during the battle. The winter would prove a difficult one for the depleted British force that garrisoned Quebec and awaited the French counter attack from Montreal.

 
 

Chapter 37 - Fall's Frustrations

The time is October- November 1759: With favorable news from Quebec and Niagara Amhurst ceased field operations, dismissed his colonials and moved his regulars into winter quarters. Anderson again recounts the dissatisfaction of the provincials even though they had been released on time.

 
 

Chapter 38 - Celebrations of Empire, Expectations of the Millennium

The time is October 1759: While the released provincial militia soldiers continued to complain, the citizens in the cities, such as New York, Boston, and Philadelphia celebrated victory. God's providence was widely invoked.

 
 

Chapter 39 - Day of Decision: Quiberon Bay{short description of image}

The time is November 20, 1759: Word of Wolfe's victory sent the populace of Great Britian into joyous celebration. Meanwhile, on 18-19 August Admiral Edward Boscawen{short description of image} had nearly destroyed a French fleet seeking to sail from Toulon to Brest at the Bay of Lagos. Then, on November 20 French Admiral Herbert de Brienne, comte de Conflans{short description of image} attempted to sail in the midst of a huge storm from Brest to Quiberon Bay to join his invasion transport fleet. He was countered by British Admiral Sir Edward Hawke{short description of image} commanding the Channel blockade fleet. The result was a terrible battle in which the French fleet was driven into port or destroyed.
This, Dr. Anderson claims, was the real strategic British victory more important than the capture of Quebec. The readers will learn why in the following chapters.

 
 

Part VI. Conquest Completed, 1760

Summary: Amherst's risky strategic plan to attain full victory and success. The war itself changes the colonial world. The author presents his excellent assessment. Pitt faces an unexpected trial.

 
 

Chapter 40 - War in Full Career

The time is 1760: The chapter is both a brief summary of the impact on the war effort to date and an analysis of future prospects. The author contends that nothing as yet was determined. Much would depend on the ability of France to bring supplies and reinforcement to Montreal. In this respect he is pointing out the results of the naval battle at Quiberon Bay. He describes the remarkable change in the attitude of the provincial legislatures now eager to raise the required volunteers and finance their pay and sustenance (all depending on British promised subsidies). Indeed, he notes one cause of this change was that now the provincial legislatures were so deeply in their own debts from paying by credit, that they depended on Parliament to bail them out.

This is a very interesting observation on the political impact of unpayable public debt due to war. He also discusses the broader economic results of the war. The huge increases in pay necessary to recruit the volunteers resulted in sizable increases in specie in circulation as well as the huge credit generating debt, leading to inflation. The very large demands for construction and assembly of supplies and transportation generated employment and expanded consumer demand. There was a general economic boom making it appear that prosperity had increased.

The author provides a summary of General Amhurst's campaign plan. The main effort would be a risky three- pronged attack on Montreal. Amhurst would personally lead the main body of 10,000 troops across New York to Oswego and then north and back east along the upper St. Lawrence River. Sir William Johnson would mobilize as many Iroquois warriors as possible to accompany Amhurst. Brigadier James Murray would cobble together what fit troops he could from Quebec and proceed up the St. Lawrence. He would be reinforced by two regiments sent from Fortress Louisbourg and a British fleet, which would also prevent a French effort to gain the river. Meanwhile Acting Brigadier General William Haviland would take command of the troops at Crown Point and proceed north against the French. The recovered Brigadier Robert Monckton {short description of image}was assigned to command the military efforts in the remaining provinces, from supervising the completion of Fort Pitt in Pennsylvania to sending regulars to South Carolina to suppress the Cherokee.

 
 

Chapter 41 - The Insufficiency of Valor: Levis and Vauquelin at Quebec

The time is April-May 1760: Francois-Gaston, chevalier de Levis {short description of image}(Montcalm's former 2nd in command) was everything expected of a French professional soldier. His objective now was to gather all possible troops at Montreal and recapture Quebec. "Valor" he had in abundance but not resources especially siege guns and much of a fleet. His hope was to assault and take Quebec before the British could bring a fleet up the St. Lawrence to relieve their garrison. This rested in large part on the French getting a fleet up the river before the British. (Again we think of Quiberon Bay). On April 20 he started back down the St. Lawrence with over 7,000 men. on barges and bateaux escorted by two of his four frigates. A few miles short of Quebec at St. Foy he met Murray's entrenchments and troops out of the city. In the ensuring engagement Levis drove the British back into Quebec and began to prepare a formal siege, with preparations completed by 4 May. But the French fleet met disaster at the mouth of the St. Lawrence from the British fleet from Louisbourg. On the evening of May 12th it was the British fleet that Levis saw - H. M. S. Vanguard - which had opened fire on his siege line. Captain Jean Vauquelin{short description of image} on his frigate, Atalante, defended the retreating French bateaux at Pointe aux Trembles by anchoring and continuing to fire at the advancing British men-of-war until out of ammunition, at which time he ordered to crew to abandon ship while he waited on board to be captured. Thus French 'valor' again exceeded resources.

Anderson's conclusion: "And so, in the end, it was Lagos and Quiberon Bay that proved decisive at Quebec, and control of the Atlantic had settled the ownership of Canada."

 
 

Chapter 42 - Murray Ascends the St. Lawrence

The time is July- August 1760: By mid-July Murray had been reinforced by a large British fleet of men-at-war and supplies. And two fresh regiments were on the way from Louisbourg. Anderson describes the British movement up the St. Lawrence and the rather hopeless French defensive efforts from shore positions. The main obstacle was the river itself, its rapids and winds. Having arrived near Montreal Murray dug in and awaited Haviland and Amhurst

 
 

Chapter 43 - Conquest Completed: Vaudreuil Surrenders at Montreal

The time is August 1760: Anderson describes Brigadier William Haviland's cautious advance on Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River which began on August 11th. He was opposed by the chevalier de Bougainville (later famous as the explorer of the south Pacific) at Ile-aux-Noix. General Amhurst began his lengthy trek from Oswego on August 10th. He was opposed by the clever Captain Pouchot's defense built in the river at La Galette where he reinforced Fort Levis, which Amherst had to besiege from 16 to 26 August. Amhurst also faced worse difficulty from the rapids than from the fort. He reached Montreal on 5 September. There the three British expeditions met. Itself a remarkable accomplishment.

Anderson defers from the coming engagement to discuss the impact of Sir William Johnson's Iroquois and Amhurst's disdain and reluctant acceptance of them. His assessment is that they provided a critical support that Amhurst did not even understand. All along the route it was Iroquois presence (of 700 warriors) and diplomacy that had prevented the local, Catholic, and loyal French-supporting Indians from resisting or providing the much needed assistance that Levis hoped for. He notes that only John Forbes of all the British senior commanders understood the critical significance of Indian support.

He continues, writing:" Among the many things that Amhurst failed to understand about the Indians was that they were not crass opportunists, eager to abandon their old masters for new and richer ones, but rather that they - like the Shawnee and Delaware of the Ohio Country - had always regarded themselves as free agents: allies, not servants, of the French". "The commander in chief's inability to understand Indians as anything but expensive, barbaric encumbrances would have serious consequences for his later career in America, but for the present he would be spared anything more unpleasant than organizing the surrender of the last effective enemy force in Canada"

Meanwhile Levis attempted to honor French military valor by maintaining an active defense, but Governor-General Vaudreuil was wiser and surrendered. Amhurst agreed to most of Vaudreuil's surrender terms. But he denied the French regulars the 'honors of war' due to the event at Fort William Henry.

 
 

Chapter 44 - The Causes of Victory and the Experience of Empire

The time is 1758 - 1760: The chapter title names the content. It is fully Anderson's assessment of both causes and results of the war. In five pages he masterfully summarizes both. The cause of victory had been successfully surmounting the huge problem of supplying resources; men, supplies, money) over great distances and geographical obstacles.
He writes: "Warfare on the fantastic geographical scale of the Seven Years' War in America had been conceivable because Parliament was willing to grant sums necessary to fund far-flung campaigns; because the British people were able to shoulder the taxes required by a war vaster than any their nation had ever fought; because the colonists cooperated in the imperial enterprise with an enthusiasm and a vigor unprecedented in their history."
But the war also generated and increased the gulf between the colonists' cultural view of the British society and the reverse. Anderson continues to describe, "The alienating consequences of this disparity between the viewpoints of regular officers and their provincial counterparts" as an example of the broader break down. He notes that during the course of the war tens of thousands of colonists had become personally engaged with British individuals on a scale not scene previously and drew adverse conclusions from that.

 
 

Chapter 45 - Pitt Confronts an Unexpected Challenge

The time is October 1760: The unexpected challenge was the sudden death of King George II and the ascendancy of George III whose tutor was Pitt's enemy, John Stuart, the third earl of Butte.{short description of image} Anderson misses his opportunity here to explain that George III was the grand son, not son, of George II and had reached his throne with a much different personality and view of Parliamentary politics and his own role from that presumed by leaders such as Pitt.
He does write: "But when the old king died, the world of British politics changed forever." And, "Pitt had no real conception of how unlikely was that he would succeed in that endeavor" Namely, the continuation of his policies.
After noting this momentous change, but without explaining fully Why it took place, Anderson includes a wonderful diversion - a set of original illustrations: Victory Recollected - Scenographia AmereicanaThis comprises 28 prints of original drawings made by British Army and Navy officers during the war.

 
 

Part VII. Vexed Victory, 1761 - 1763

Summary: British failure to recognize victory has also generated future serious problems. Amhurst's faulty policies and the Cherokee War.{short description of image} Pitt is forced to resign. War begins against Spain. Dissolution of British alliance with Prussia. British capture both Havana and Manila. War continues in North America despite French surrender. Significance of Pontiac's Rebellion. Jeffery Amhurst recalled.

 
 

Chapter 46 - The Fruits of Victory and the Seeds of Disintegration

The time is 1761-1763: In three pages of summary Anderson continues his summary and assessment. The personal competitions between the prominent actors in each group continued.
His assessment: "Great Britain triumphed in North America for two related reasons. One was military and well understood at the time: the other was in the broadest sense cultural, and understood not at all." Further, he continues: "Only an understanding of the cultural interactions that the war had shaped, and that in turn had shaped the war, can explain the Anglo-American victory in such a way as to make sense of the problems that arose between the British and various North American groups after the conquest of Canada."
Among the cultural changes, he cites, were the decline in the French relationship with their former Indian allies after the victory at Fort William Henry due to inability of the French to continue to supply trade goods and Montcalm's typical European view (and misunderstanding) of the Indians ( and even of the Canadian settlers); and the reverse change in the official British policy toward the provincials especially and to some extent toward the Indians with Pitt's new strategy and Amhurst's reversal of the attitude shown by Braddock and Loudoun. But very soon after his victory in Canada Amhurst reverted to British aristocratic form and began again to treat the colonists as subjects rather than as allies, and to nearly totally disparage the former Indians who considered themselves allies and certainly not subjects.

Through the following chapters he relates the results he predicts here. "The Indians who rebelled against British control after the Seven Year's War were trying, in the only way they knew, to maintain local autonomy and customary rights against an imperial authority heedless of local conditions."

But Anderson does not point out that this 'imperial' view of Indians and policy toward them was exactly the same as that begun by New England colonists in Pequot and King Philip's Wars and Virginia colonists against Powhatan - and continued through Andrew Jackson's displacement of the Civilized tribes from Georgia and Alabama - and continued exactly before and after the Civil War in the combination of treaty making, treaty violation, promises of and failure to provide subsidies, and destructive attack on the Plains and Rocky Mountain Indians for the rest of the 19th century.

 
 

Chapter 47 - The Cherokee War and Amhurst's Reforms in Indian Policy

The time is 1760 - 1761 The Cherokee were one of the so-called 'civilized tribes' meaning that the colonists considered them to be at a somewhat higher standard because they lived in towns and relied on farming as well as hunting. They had conducted peaceful business with licensed Carolina traders for many years. They were hereditary enemies of the Iroquois. During the French and Indian War in 1758 they offered their assistance to General Forbes for his campaign across Pennsylvania but he did not know how to take advantage of that or even to understand their culture. On the way back to Carolina peaceful warriors were attacked by frontier settlers in Virginia. Meanwhile, during their absence white hunters from South Carolina had invaded their established territory and disrupted their critical game supply. The South Carolina Governor was William Henry Lytelton,{short description of image} who did try to keep peace with the Indians, but faced oppositin from the colonists. In early 1759 with conditions deteriorating the Cherokee tried to insure peace and sent their chief negotiator, Attakullakulla,{short description of image} to request an increase in the standard 'gift'.

Dr. Anderson notes again how the Indian nations had already become dependent on the white settlers and government for essential manufactured goods in addition to arms and gunpowder. This condition of dependency we see was culturally and psychologically destructive throughout the 19th century on the western Plains and mountains and continued after the Indians were relegated to reservations.

Another situation Dr. Anderson describes is the lack of unity between the Indian nations - actually there was continually potential or actual conflict and warfare between them. In the case of the Cherokee efforts to accommodate their life with the encroaching colonists, their neighbors; Creeks, Chickasaw,{short description of image} Catawba,{short description of image} and Iroquois were eagerly awaiting any opportunity to take advantage of Cherokee confrontations with the settlers or British government. And so were the French in Louisiana and Alabama. The author describes the ensuing 'war'{short description of image} during which both sides had their tactical victories and losses. But the final result was not in doubt. The British sent regular units with colonial militia support into the Cherokee towns and destroyed them along with the crops and supplies. The Cherokee eventually had no choice but to surrender or starve.

Meanwhile, Lytelton was replaced and sent to Jamaica. Amhurst sent Colonel Archibald Montgomery with two regular regiments( The Royal Scots{short description of image} and the 77th Foot, Montgomerile's Highlanders {short description of image}) to supress the revolt. He had only temporary successes. The Cherokee besieged and captured Fort Loudoun{short description of image} and drove the settlers back toward the coast. New governor William Bull, did try to reestablish peace. Amhurst sent Lt. Colonel James Grant{short description of image} from New York with more regulars and Mohawk Indians. Grant will be remembered from his headstrong attack and defeat at Fort Dusquense during Forbes' advance. By June he opened operations into Cherokee country and was met by 1000 warriors in another ambush. The Indians were holding their own until they ran out of ammunition. Grant again destroyed villages and acres of corn and beans. He ordered every and any Indian found to be killed. That year Colonel William Byrd {short description of image}advanced from Virginia south into Cherokee country.

Anderson draws several lessons from the Cherokee War - some recognized by the contemporaries and some not - and others misunderstood. As was so usual, the British commander, Jeffrey Amhurst, reverted to type and considered only the military aspects and ignored or simply did not understand the cultural aspects. In fact, his new policy made conditions worse. Punishment, rather than giving 'gifts' was his motto. Sir William Johnson warned him that such gifts were essential but Amhurst rejected it and actually stated that Grant's final victory over the Cherokee showed the results of proper policy. He was all for regular trade but refused to provide 'presents'. He wrote that he would not 'purchase the good behavior'. Amhurst urged Johnson to keep the Indians busy and out of mischief.

Anderson's conclusion: "Far from keeping the Indians so busy that they had no time to hatch mischief among themselves, he had given them what they had never had before: a common grievance, and tangible evidence that the English would not hesitate to threaten their way of life."

 
 

Chapter 48 - Amhurst's Dilemma

The time is 1761: In three pages Dr. Anderson succinctly summarizes Jeffery Amhurst's problem. He had to deal with the conflicting - actually opposing - fundamental objectives, based on totally different ways of life, of the Indians and settlers. The Indians wanted to keep their homeland, while the colonists wanted to take it. He notes that the commanding general, Amhurst had only about 16,000 soldier to accomplish this, including the battalions required in Canada and as far west at Lake Superior and south along the Mississippi. He comments that Amhurst believed his policies were becoming effective. But the Indians saw a different situation. The British had gained their alliance based on the solemn promise that once the French were defeated the British army would go home - that only small trading posts would remain in Indian lands - and that they would retain full control, as they had under French government. In fact, they saw with their own eyes, that all that was lies.

 
 

Chapter 49 - Pitt's Problems

The time is 1761: Dr. Anderson turns to describe PM Pitt's, actually his principal office was as the Southern Secretary, mounting problems - world wide problems of which Amhurst's were but a minor part. In this chapter he provides more of the new King George III's background as the son of Frederick Lewis, prince of Wales, who had died when George was only 13. He became a member of his deceased father's court that opposed almost all of the opinions and policies of King George II. The chapter is about the complex problems Pitt faced politically at home and the deteriorating and enormously expensive problem of continuing the war in Europe. Remember that Anderson had described the key alliance of Pitt and Newcastle{short description of image} as the agreement that Pitt would have a free hand to conduct the war on the basis of his own strategic conceptions while Newcastle, who was devoted to King George II, would have the thankless and difficult task of financing it. And this was subject to the strong desire of King George II to protect his home domain, Hanover. But King George III did not care about Hanover but wanted to end the war. And Newcastle did not have the same devotion to him as to his grandfather. While Lord Butte{short description of image} didn't care for Pitt and wanted Newcastle's office.

The war effort was not going well as Frederick's campaigns barely enabled him to survive, while Newcastle fretted about the expanding cost of the war, and wanted peace but with honor. French King Louis XV made a tentative approach toward negotiations. which Pitt was bound to accept, but without abandoning Prussia. The issues over which a peace might be achieved were complex enough, when Spain decided to enter the war on France's side. Pitt was for preempting a formal declaration but was opposed by practically all the ministers and even Lords Anson and Ligonier. Only Pitt' brother-in-law, Richard, Earl Temple,{short description of image} the lord privy seal supported him. Pitt and Temple were forced to resign.

 
 

Chapter 50 - The End of an Alliance

The time is 1762: King George III could replace Pitt, but not the rest of the cabinet or the military commanders. The duke of Bedford{short description of image} replaced Earl Temple{short description of image}as lord privy seal and Charles Wyndham, second earl of Egremont{short description of image} became Southern secretary. None of these worthies could be in the House of Commons, so the king and Lord Butte selected George Grenville,{short description of image} brother-in-law to both Pitt and Temple to be leader in the house, in the formal office of treasurer of the navy. And the king had to continue with the same strategic policy and plans.

Anderson spells out the results. The King, Lord Butte and their supporters had fired Pitt with the expectation that they could quickly change policy and accept peace, but the real situation was that war would expand to include Spain and Great Britain would have to significantly raise more forces and find more funds. Lords Anson and Ligonier were up to the challenge and quickly began to prepare their forces to conduct immediate, and if possible, surprise operations. Great Britain declared war on Spain. Lords Anson and Ligonier had already ordered Amhurst to attack Havana and their commanders in India to attack Manila. And Pitt's campaign to take Martinique was underway. Major General (now) Robert Monckton had New York troops and others from the West Indies, plus a large navy, that captured Martinique by Feb. 16, 1762. With that island he then took the remaining French colonies. The French planters were happy to switch their business by trade with England and North America. Meanwhile Frederick and Fernand were barely holding on against the combined French, Russian, Swedish and Austrian armies.

Then came the 'miracle' so central to the study of Russian history. Empress Elizabeth died suddenly and was succeeded by the German prince, Tsar Peter III, who worshiped Frederick and was married to the German, future Tsarina Catherine II. Peter immediately withdrew from the Russian alliance with Austria and offered Frederick a Russian army corps. Lord Butte was proposing that Britian end support for Frederick. Duke Newcastle was distraught at the prospect of loosing Hanover. Lord Butte and the cabinet forced Newcastle out and Butte became Lord of the Treasury. Britain ended its support for Frederick.
The temporary Russian assistance enabled Frederick to win more battles and force Austria to make peace.. .

 
 

Chapter 51- The Intersections of Empire, Trade, and War: Havana

The time is August 1762: As expected Spain's first move was to invade Portugal. Lord Ligonier was ready. He organized Portuguese militia and send Lord Loudoun with 8,000 British troops to block the Spanish. Brigadier General John Burgoyne{short description of image} led a successful counterattack, and then Lt. Colonel Charles Lee, from American led another. The Spanish were forced to retreat, ending military operations in Europe. Meanwhile, back in America, Amhurst drove a French expeditionary force out of Newfoundland. More significantly, in August the British force Amhurst sent with George Keppel, earl of Albermarle, combined with Monckton's troops from Martinique, captured Spain's main city in the Caribbean, Havana. And this success had a tremendous price, as within a month over a third of Albermarle's troops died of yellow fever, malaria and internal disorders and thousands more were too sick to serve.

Anderson considers that Albermarle lost half his force. And the survivors who returned to New York were virtually out of service for months. But the spoils were tremendous. Again, British success resulted in the local merchants gladly switching their import - export business to England and North America with huge profits to British merchants and the Crown.

Dr. Anderson stresses the economic results of "the paradoxical relations between empire, trade, and military power.... Where British arms reaped costly laurels, the merchants, the colonies, and the conquered harvested profits."

 
 

Chapter 52 - Peace

The time is now September 1762 - April 1763: In four pages Anderson describes the initial secret negotiations between Butte and Choiseul, the resulting uproar in Parliament, and the very complex results. There were multiple exchanges of territory and agreements between France, Spain and Great Britain. Austria and Prussia simply agreed to return to the status quo ante bellum - that is Frederick kept Silesia that Maria Theresa wanted while she kept Saxony that he wanted.

 
 

Chapter 53 - The Rise of Wilkes, the Fall of Butte, and the Unheeded Lesson of Manila

The time is now Spring 1763: King George III obtained his desire to exit from continental affairs and focus on his overseas empire. For that he could thank Lord Butte. But this did not save Butte's political career nor make George a popular king. Anderson explains this as the interaction of elite and other segments of British society. The 'imperialist' supporters of Pitt saw the peace treaty as a sell out.

But, he writes: "Within the ruling class, where ideology generally took a backseat to the politics of personal connection and advantage, Butte had made himself a large number of enemies late in 1762 when he and his new lieutenant in the Commons, Henry Fox, purged Newcastle's old supporters from office." He continues with an interesting dissection of the inner workings of British politics. One of the new developments that generated struggle was the increasing economic but not political power of the merchant and professional classes (the 'middle class") who opposed the establishment elite of landed gentry and aristocrats. Their striving was expanded by the significant growth of printed matter that catered to their opinions.

Anderson singles out John Wilkes{short description of image} as the most prominent of the publishing agitators. He focused on attacking Lord Butte in print. Psychologically beaten, Lord Butte resigned as lord of the Treasury. King George III faced an unpleasant chore of appointing a replacement, but finally settled on George Grenville as first lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, which made him prime minister on the House of Commons. Although a poor orator and leader, he had the best understanding of public finance among the members. And he had good connections with Egremont and Halifax who knew the situation in the colonies.

Anderson believes that, given a period of calm, Grenville and Halifax could have restored order and begun solving the fiscal problems. But calm they were not afforded. In England Wilkes continued and increased his agitation, despite the exist of Butte. He simply changed his targets. The government efforts to silence him only made matters worse. He generated even more political opposition when, being wounded in a duel, he fled to France.
A brief positive note came with news of the capture of Manila. Anderson describes why and how it was planed and executed. It appeared to be confirmation of the world power of British arms. But, unlike the capture of French and Spanish colonies in America, administration of the Philippines proved to be a difficult task because the locals there including the merchants were not interested in shifting their commerce to the British. Anderson notes again the relationship between war and economics.

 
 

Chapter 54 - Anglo-America at War's End: The Fragility of Empire

The time is 1761-1763: dr. Anderson comments that from 1761 on the post-war situation in America appeared to be so favorable that ministers in London mostly ignored it. Between Amhurst, Johnson and Grant the Indian problem appeared to be solved. The colonial legislatures did question why military expenditures were still required but parliamentary subsidies helped alleviate their concerns. Only in Maryland and Pennsylvania did internal political disputes between the remaining proprietors and the provincials cause refusals to cooperate. The other colonies raised significant numbers of troops as requested. Nevertheless Amhurst continued to consider the colonists as unruly subjects demonstrating 'poor character'. A major concern and complaint was the continual colonial smuggling trade with the French. In the Massassachutes Bay colony Governor Bernard and Lt. Governor Thomas Hutchinson attempted to stop the smuggling. They issued 'general writs of assistance' authorizing searches. To this James Otis Jr. argued in the General Court. The colonial response was mob action.

Anderson's analysis was: "There could hardly be a more vivid example than this case of the way in which public disputes can create political alignment that persist long after the original issues of the controversy have vanished." The reason the original dispute was short lived was that with the British take of Martinique colonial trade there became legal and merchants ceased to support mob action. In London the politicians recognized the problems in the colonies, but with the war effectively over there basically lived with the situation while concentrating on winning the war in Europe and elsewhere. A major problem that remained was settling disputes among the rival colonies and their land speculators. Anderson describes this activity in detail.

He writes: "The intertwined histories of land speculation and frontier settlement in the postwar colonies often seem no more than a snarled skein of ambition, self-interest, greed, and deceit. But these instances, from Nova Scotia to the Carolina frontier, in fact reveal patterns that help clarify the essential processes of change in the 1760's." He expands on this assessment in several pages. The conflicts of the 1760's were between rival colonial groups. He specifically points to the violent conflict over the Wyoming Valley by the Susquehannah Company.

 
 

Chapter 55 - Yankees Invade Wyoming -- and Pay the Price

The time is Spring 1763: The chapter contains a sad story - one to be repeated over and again as the white frontier moved west and new Indian nations were driven out of their homelands. The narration and analysis is about the multi-sided conflict over ownership and occupation of the Wyoming Valley in eastern Pennsylvania. It may be difficult to imagine today, but brash, greedy, and self-important settlers from Connecticut presumed to have a legal right to travel across New York, New Jersey and into Pennsylvania to establish their own towns and farms. They simply brushed aside not only the Delaware nation whose right to the land had been established by the Treaty of Easton in 1757 (which itself had greatly diminished their original holding). But there was also contention over the rights of ownership by citizens of Pennsylvania and by the Penn family propriators. Needless to say it was the Delaware nation and its leader, Teedyuscung, who were driven out and west. He was the only individual involved who can be adjudged either honest or public spirited. The results provide another example of William Johnson's priorities - to maintain the Iroquois' support by favoring them.

Anderson provides a good narration of the role of the many actors in these events. It is beyond the scope of his book to note, but the remaining conflict between Pennsylvania and Connecticut continued throughout the American Revolution in several specifically named 'wars' and was finally settled by the Supreme Court.{short description of image}

 
 

Chapter 56 - Amhurst's Reforms and Pontiac's War{short description of image}

The time is 1763: Simultaneously with the despoiling and displacement of the Delaware out of their homes in the Wyoming Valley, far to the west many other Indian nations, recognizing their fate at the hands of the conquering British but not yet subdued, raised the largest concerted, multi-nation rebellion in defense of their lives in colonial times. It was not really a 'rebellion' because the Indians were not yet subjects - it was "Pontiac's War". Pontiac {short description of image}was a minor Indian leader in a relatively minor nation - the Ottawa - who lived around Detroit.

Anderson, again, explains the origins of this 'war' in the beliefs and responses of both sides. On the Indian side he draws attention to a new religious conception spread by a western Delaware shaman, Neolin.{short description of image} (The western Delaware had been driven from eastern Pennsylvania and separated from their remaining eastern cousins by earlier settler force.) But, critically, in addition, the Indian reaction finally came when they realized that their reliance of the French had failed and that the British intended on occupation rather than only trade in the French manner.
On the British side Anderson points to Amhurst's very ignorant and arrogant policies that in effect abrogated the previous British promises made to enlist Indian support against the French.

The religious aspect reminds the reader of similar, later events such as Tecumseh's war, and some Plains Indian revivals.

The decision to go to war was taken by the war chiefs of many Indian nations, among and between whom war wampum belts were being exchanged throughout 1760-62, including the Wyandot, Shawnee, Chippawa, Miami, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Seneca, Onondaga, Mingo and Delaware, but the leading coordinator and initial actor was the Ottawa leader, Pontiac, who laid siege to Fort Detroit{short description of image} on 9 May, 1763, citing Neolin's teaching, while leaving the French traders alone. The British leadership - Amhurst for instance - were strategically surprised and astounded. But fortunately a local Wyandot woman alerted Major Henry Gladwin, the Detroit commander, so his garrison was not tactically surprised. In short order all the British forts and outposts along the frontier, except the bastions at Detroit, Niagara and Pittsburgh, were taken and thousands of civilian settlers at outlying farms were massacred, captured, or driven into retreat eastward. The attacks spread from western New York through Virginia to North Carolina. Colonel Bouquet, the leading British (Swiss) expert on frontier warfare, who had captured Fort Pitt during the war. began assembling a relief force at Carlisle. Sir Jeffery Amhurst ordered elements of the 17th, 77th and 42nd (Black Watch) from New York to Carlisle. His forces were still suffering from the medical disaster at Havana.

Anderson describes the British reaction thusly: "Bewilderment at the Indians' success in capturing forts and defeating redcoat detachments, delay in understanding what was going on, inability to restore order once the rebellion's scope became clear- all these factors now helped promote a singular bloody-mindedness among the British commanders".

The response would be 'take no prisoners', and even spread small pox among the Indian villages. But Amhurst knew these reactions would not be sufficient. He relied on the application of total force, ordering Sir William Johnson to apply it. And Amhurst concluded from the ultimate success in the Cherokee War that the Indians were vulnerable - both to lack of supplies of ammunition and others, and to destruction of their villages and agriculture. So he began planing for a large-scale counter-attack for summer of 1764. Meanwhile the three critical forts at Detroit, Pittsburgh and Niagara must be held. And Johnson must insure that the majority of the Iroquois remained loyal. But when it came to Johnson's application of his usual methods to retain Iroquois support, Amhurst did not like it.

Anderson's assessment: they continued to treat the Indians as childlike, violent barbarians. "they could not explain what had happened to them in the west unless they could stipulate a French conspiracy behind it all. They never understood that the evident synchronized attacks were loosely coordinated local revolts, all responding to the common stimuli of conquest, white encroachment, and Amhurst's Indian policies, all animated by a religious revival with pan-Indian overtones, and all motivated by the desire to restore to North America a sympathetic European power to act as a counterpoise to the British and their numerous, aggressive colonists."

 
 

Chapter 57 - Amherst's Recall

The time is Autumn 1783: Anderson comments that Amhurst's belief that the three forts would hold out through the winter was optimistic. Survival depended on their food supplies. He renews the story with Captain James Dalyell's arrival by ship with a relief force - elements of the 55th, 60th, and 80th Regiments and Robert's rangers, but little food. Seeking glory and advancement, Dalyell, ignoring orders, immediately led a sortie and was promptly ambushed and killed along with significant other losses. The result was that Gladwin now had twice as many mouths to feed with less food. Luckily several other ships did manage to bring some food before the lakes froze. But the garrison was saved when Pontiac withdrew the siege for the warriors to conduct their winter hunt.
Anderson's assessment: 'Major Gladwin held on (at Detroit), in the end, not because he received adequate supplies from is own army, but because the raising of the siege allowed him to send half his men back to Niagara and to buy enough food from the local habitants for those who stayed to survive the winter."

Anderson only gives a brief summary of the "Relief of Fort Pitt".
Meanwhile Colonel Henry Bouquet was moving what forces he could muster (about 460 troops from the 60th, 77th and 42nd (Black Watch) along Forbes' Road. By 2 August his force was reduced to about 400 when he reached Laurel Ridge, 40 miles from Pittsburgh. There and then the famous Battle of Bushy Run took place. (A battle still reenacted at a restored location there for tourists each August). Bouquet was ambushed by Shawnee, Delaware, Mingo, Wyandot, Ottawa and Miami warriors who had moved from the siege of Fort Pitt. It would have been Braddock's defeat again, except that Bouquet was an expert Indian fighter and even his depleted force included the Highlanders. Suffering more losses than they could replace, the Indians dispersed back to their villages in Ohio, leaving Fort Pitt again open as Bouquet arrived. But the fort still had to obtain sufficient food for the winter. Again, Anderson concludes that Bouquet's "success" was due more to the Indians' policies than to the force of British arms.

Anderson shifts attention to the critical situation at Fort Niagara. There, the Seneca, Ottawa, and Chippawa took advantage of the terrain, the narrow, cliff side portage between Lakes. They could not take the fort but they could and did take control of the portage until winter prevented further resupply of Detroit and the west. He writes that the only favorable action that fall was Sir William Johnson's success in convincing the main Iroquois to remain loyal and raid the Shawnee and Delaware. Johnson relied, as always, on providing an incentive the Iroquois could not resist - supply of vital manufactured goods (especially guns and gunpowder) and carte blanche to attack their enemies, the Shawnee and Delaware. Such 'gift' giving Amhurst considered a distasteful and unnecessary bribe.

But Johnson recognized that the Indian 'problem' was largely due to Amhurst's misunderstanding and faulty policies. So he sent George Croghan to London to advise relief of Amhurst. But Amhurst was already in 'hot water' with Egremont, Halifax and Grenville. Amhurst had been longing to return to England to attend to his sick wife, so was delighted to receive his relief order in October and turn affairs and command in North America over to Major General Thomas Gage, summoned from his post as governor in Montreal.

 
 

Part VIII. Crisis and Reform 1764:

Summary: Pontiac's War generates urgent reactions in George Grenville's Parliament. The renewed and unexpected requirement for more troops in America generates increased need for additional revenue (taxes). British Parliamentary leaders recognize that Pontiac's successes require completely different policies relating to the Indians - and to the colonists. Grenville passes several new Acts - Currency, American Duties, and Proclamation of 1763.

 
 

Chapter 58 - Death Reshuffles Ministry

The time is still 1763: The death was that of the Secretary of state for the Southern Department, Charles Wyndham, earl of Egremont. In that office he was responsible for policy dealing with the colonies. This untimely death forced King George III to reorganize the cabinet. George Montague Dunk, earl of Halifax was moved to take Egremont's portfolio. John Montagu, fourth earl of Sandwich, became secretary for the Northern Department. (His name adorns both the Sandwich Islands and the common luncheon staple.) The earl of Shelburne was forced to resign his office as president of the Board of Trade. He was replaced by Wills Hill, earl of Hillsbourough, and the duke of Bedford became the lord president of the Privy Council.. Grenville and Halifax then devoted full attention to the financial and political reorganization of the empire in response to general dictates of the King, relying on Halifax's extensive knowledge of the reality in the colonies and Grenville's expert understanding of financial, fiscal, monetary affairs. Nevertheless, their efforts led to disaster.

Anderson considers that their problem was that the conclusions they drew from the events of the Seven Years' War were not those drawn by the American colonists, nor those perceived by the Indians. And no one's conclusions were fully based on reality.

 
 

Chapter 59 - An Urgent Search for Order: Grenville and Halifax Confront the Need for Revenue and Control

The time is Summer- Autumn 1763: The search for revenue and means for control were indeed the essential priorities of the day.
Dr. Anderson writes that the reform program developed and executed by Grenville and Halifax centered on the Army how to finance it and what to do with it. The necessity to maintain a large military force in North America was recognized. But, Anderson informs his readers, domestic Parliamentary politics also had an important role. This was a problem so typical for governments seeking to save money and demobilize the excessive war-time strength for peace-time needs. What to do with the extra officers, (enlisted troops didn't matter). It was the king who devised a compromise solution. ( a solution frequently used) He would retain the large number of regiments, but reduce each to a single battalion. This would reduce the costs but retain a cadre that could be expanded rapidly in case of war by keeping extra officers on duty. Another problem was how to pay off the discharged officers and troops. Again, the solution was time honored. Just as the Romans and medieval kings had done, the discharged men were given grants of land of sizes varying with their rank. Many of these were glad to receive a grant, but did not want to occupy the land, so sold their allocations to speculators. This greatly increased the pressure to occupy land beyond the line.

The second problem was how to pay for this army greatly expanded from pre-war size. Anderson discusses this from the viewpoint of the Parliament and British cabinet. He provides some data not generally presented in American text books. "The Army and navy expenditures in the colonies from 1756 through 1762 amounted to over six million pounds sterling, in addition to parliamentary reimbursements in excess of a million pounds paid directly to the colonial governments." This sum does not count the vast sums of credit created in support of the war in Europe or the rest of the world.

"This influx of credit and specie had enabled the Americans to double the volume of their imports from Britain during the conflict." The only contribution to their support was by paying customs on their trade, and those receipts barely paid for the costs of collection. Of course smuggling reduced the customs collection. The British leaders thought the colonials would recognize that the British troops remaining in America were there to protect them - not to mention recognizing that the previous expenditures had that same purpose. As mentioned above, the Revenue Act of 1762 was an effort to enforce customs duties already legally due, but it had not been enforced. Grenville asked the Privy Council to enact an "Order in Council' in June to strengthen enforcement. He ordered all the customs collectors to move to their posts. (Remarkable but typical, these and other officials with duties in America frequently stayed in England and operated by proxy). The expanded and unexpected requirement for British troops to supress Indian 'rebellion' only reinforced Parliament's belief that colonial fiscal support for the military establishment in America was just and obviously necessary and which should be recognized by the provincials as well. So, one way or another taxes must be increased. Grenville recognized that the English cider producers had opposed, fought against, and prevailed over the imposition of a tax on cider. The colonists would oppose any direct taxes as well. He considered increasing the import tax on molasses and imposing the revenue stamps of the sort Englishmen paid.
Meanwhile Lord Halifax had to deal with the immediate military issues in the colonies. He and his helpers drafted and presented to the King who issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763. The proclamation officially organized the newly acquired territories both in Canada and Florida into provinces. But the central purpose was to establish a north- south line that would reserve for the Indians all territories west of the western slope of the Appalachian Mountains. All whites were forbidden to settle there. The colonial governors were forbidden to authorize any surveys or other infringements into the territory. The only British to be allowed there were the military garrisons of such forts as were required and other official representatives. This demarkation line itself deprived the Indians of a huge territory, but they had already lost it de facto.

Anderson reproduces a facsimile of the proclamation. And he notes that the proclamation was vague and lacked details about how it would be executed and enforced. Plus, what to do with the many French (now British citizens) who had lived there for generations, not to mention the thousands living in Quebec. There were many other ambiguities, contraventions of long standing Colonial charters, and unenforceable assertions as well. But the core issue was about land speculation in which influential British individuals in England were just as involved as were provincials. Anderson considers that Lord Halifax and others in London knew these difficulties but were so focused on solving the already active Indian uprising that they rushed it into law. Lord Halifax also sought to regularize officially sanctioned trade with the Indians. His idea was to exclude both the several colonial governors and governments and the military commanders from dealing with the Indians and instead to vest all such authority in the two (northern and southern) official Indian superintendents. These officials would insure fair treatment of the Indians. And the expense of this system would be covered by taxes on the trade itself.

Anderson considers that the whole scheme was not a result of a real strategic assessment but rather a quick outcome of the French and Indian War itself, which had created the problems the ministers were attempting to solve. But, given their understanding of the causes of the problems, Anderson, considers their efforts to be reasonable.

 
 

Chapter 60 - The American Duties Act (The Sugar Act)

The time is 1764: Pitt and his followers in the House launched a vindictive personal assault on Grenville over the cider tax and treatment of Wilkes. Grenville barely survived, thanks to the public support by the king. With the stated issues settled Grenville successfully introduced his comprehensive colonial program. His proposals were consolidated into the American Duties Act of 1764. Its provisions were very much more than Molasses - Sugar - by which it was called by the colonists and students today. It sought to reform and regularize the entire customs system, to add new duties on more items, and to change the old tax rates. Assuring execution was an important feature.

Anderson provides the readers with much more detail about the entire process than is found in usual text books, and as many say, the devil is in the details. They included not only the customs duties themselves, but the behavior of the customs agents, the process for prosecution and defense related to any offenses, the creation of a new Vice Admiralty court seated in Halifax, and more. All this was not aimed only at smuggling - that is evasion of the duties. The provisions included tariff's designed to favor British manufacturers and merchants by increasing the cost to colonials of any imports of specific goods made outside Britain. Other tariffs were designed to alter the American colony's trade with the French West Indies. But there were also provisions favoring the provincials. Anderson fills seven pages with the details that clarify the reality generally overlooked in American history books. In total Grenville's complex set of provisions were a combination of 'carrots and sticks' which he believed would be accepted despite grumbling. And, he stresses, increased revenue was NOT the only purpose. Grenville was acutely determined also to assert imperial structure and control to the newly acquired realm. Anderson considers that actually taxation was but a means needed to assert imperial control. "No colonial protests would prevent him (Grenville) from exercising the parliamentary sovereignty of which taxation was both a tool and symbol."

 
 

Chapter 61 - The Currency Act

The time is still 1764: Now we come to one of the most important chapters in the book - not only because the author describes what was really going on in monetary affairs in the colonies and England with detail not found in our text books, but also because the role of credit financing is generally not understood today. Dr. Anderson writes that the intent and execution of the Currency Act was not an integral part of Grenville's program but that the monetary situation which it sought to remedy was another result of the war. And it was a response to the monetary disruptions from financing the war which merchants realized were reducing their profits. The war was financed by huge amounts of credit. The expansion of credit created inflation. Inflation makes the payoff of debt less valuable than the value of the credit provided. As always inflation favors debtors and hurts creditors. British merchants were the creditors and their colonial counter parties were the debtors. In addition, the nominal value of paper money issued by the colonial legislatures declined in value relative to their British paper money. Thus the proposal for the Currency Act came not from the Grenville cabinet but from members of Parliament who were merchants.

Anderson describes the specifics in detail. One detail he mentions is that when a legislature issued paper currency in exchange for its purchases it would declare it 'legal tender' meaning that it would be accepted back as payment for taxes. Now, that is still the Modern Money Theory about government financing. People do not consider the implications of this transaction. First, the government exchanges its created money for real goods and services. Then it takes that same money back and calls that a tax. Result is that the government has confiscated the real goods or services for nothing.

Anderson points to the financial crisis that occurred in 1763. During the war the British government had financed much of its expenses in Europe by credit issued by Dutch bankers. When one Amsterdam bank collapsed it generated a tidal wave of further collapses. (like in 2008). One bank or company had assets that were other entities liabilities, and for others it was in reverse. Debtors rushed to call in their credit accounts with others. Specifically, the British creditors owed debts by Americans called in the debt and expected it to be paid in something that retained the original value of the loan. But, for instance, Virginia currency (credit - debt instruments) was 'legal tender' but of much less value that it had been originally. Thus, the provisions of the Currency Act that attempted to protect British merchants created financial disaster in the colonies.

Anderson writes: "The Currency Act of 1764 aimed specifically at Virginia but was phrased broadly to include all of the mainland colonies south of New England, where the Currency Act of 1751 was to remain in force ..." It prohibited colonial legislatures from declaring their paper money 'legal tender'. He notes that the effect would be to "upend public finance in every colony south of New England." But, "There was no other way for colonies that lacked adequate supplies of currency to pay for wars and other government expenses except by issuing paper money - and no way to maintain that money's value except by taxing it out of circulation..."

Note: The whole monetary problem that faced the wealthy colonists at the time of the Revolution can be seen in these Currency acts and the monetary relationships they created. Thus planters such as George Washington constantly denounced British merchants and Thomas Jefferson adamantly hated bankers.
Anderson's conclusion of all this is that the Parliament members were acting in ignorance of the results in the colonies and colonial reactions. And that the colonists perceived more malice and intention to create harm than the British intended. He contends that the war had not actually proved the conditions that the British and provincials believed it had created.

He writes: "The Seven Year's War had reshaped the world in more ways than anyone knew. But the lessons both Britons and Americans derived from the conflict would prove inadequate guides when men on opposite sides of the Atlantic tried to comprehend what those changes meant, and dangerous ones when each tried to understand the actions of the other."

 
 

Chapter 62 - Postwar Conditions and the Context of Colonial Response

The time is still 1764: Anderson describes in detail the classic wide spread deflation that so often develops as a result of the massive reduction of government expenditures when a major war ends. Producers who have been generating goods at a higher then normal rate are hit. Merchants who have accumulated large inventories that become excessive when there are fewer buyers. Workers face unemployment. Consumers lack the money to buy even at loss sales from merchants. All this and more suddenly hit the American colonies, the British West Indies plantations, Great Britain itself. The early effects began to be seen in 1760-61. Then there was a brief revival in 1762-73. But bankruptcies again increased in 1763-64. Anderson quotes the famous joke that is no joke. "if you owe your banker a medium sum but cannot pay, you have a problem - but if you own a huge sum, he has a partner".

Anderson notes that debtors in bankruptcy owe not only banks and major creditors but also hundreds of other small scale merchants, artisans, servants and workers. These people, in turn, cannot pay for consumption. He notes, "Thus the failure of a bank in Amsterdam could cause credit contraction in London that would in turn bankrupt scorers of merchants in colonial port towns, threaten the livelihood of hundreds of middling American artisans and petty entrepreneurs, throw thousands of colonial laborers and small craftsmen out of work and render the lives of everyone who depended upon them miserable."

Sound familiar?

Anderson draws attention by his chosen example, George Washington, of a 'wealty plantation owner' who was in great debt, and the other militia commander, Colonel William Byrd III, who was so massively in debt he never could repay it. Among other efforts in 1763, Washington expanded his activities as a land speculator in western, frontier lands, just when Pontiac's War began. Anderson also returns to inform us about Sir William Johnson and George Croghan who sought to make fortunes by speculating on land, for Croghan land as far as the Mississippi in Illinois. Anderson recounts the efforts of many others from New Hampshire to South Carolina. In North and South Carolina he brings in the Regulator War. There were political- economic-social splits in other colonies as well.
His general assessment: "Throughout the colonies, then, a troubled transition to peace left political life and alignments in flux.... By 1763-1764, things were changing fast." And further: "And yet the meanings of the renewed conflicts and the appearance of new political configurations were obvious to no one."

 
 

Chapter 63 - An Ambiguous Response in Imperial Initiatives

The time remains 1764: Anderson continues with his assessment of rapidly changing conditions. The impact of Grenville's reform program hit the merchant community first, and first of all in Boston. Trade was their life blood, but more than that, 'their constitutional privileges" and very "rights were at stake". Anderson then brings Sam Adams onto the stage. And again we read of Thomas Hutchinson, at the same time, lieutenant governor, chief justice of the superior court, judge of probate for Suffolk County and member of the council, "the ultimate political insider." He immediately came under fierce attack. Anderson also describes James Otis Jr's. attacks against Grenville's program on the familiar grounds that they violated not only the sacred rights of Englishmen but worse, the natural rights from God. But Otis as a representative of the province's "country party" lacked as yet the power to overcome the "court party".

Anderson continues with detailed analysis of the local political scene in each individual colony, illustrating that they were all different and all largely determined by the personalities and interests of the leading citizens. His is a fascinating tour de force. His conclusion is that the varied, but generally muted, objections raised by the various provincial legislatures convinced Grenville that he could proceed with expanding his program to institute his Stamp Act. And there was still the matter of the raging Indian war across the entire frontier, which did give color to the British argument that military defense was essential.

 
 

Chapter 64 - Pontiac' Progress

The time is 1764 - 1765: Dr. Anderson considers that the prolongation of Pontiac's War was less the result of the Indians, who were ready for peace, than of General Amhurst's adamant demand that no peace would be considered before the Indians were totally subdued and punished. But the new commander in chief, Major General Thomas Gage should have been able to institute a new policy. But Gage was perpetually indecisive and reluctant to issue new orders rather than execute those left by Amhurst. He had been a Lt. Colonel at Braddock's defeat and had led his newly raised 80th Regiment into the defenses at Fort Carillon, but failed to execute Amhurst's orders during the Quebec Campaign. Amhurst left him to govern Montreal. General Amhurst planned and left an ambitious multi-pronged campaign, which Gage then had to execute. But it did not go according to plan. Sir William Johnson persuaded Gage to allow him to open negotiations with all the Indian nations. This was a great success, as on 11 July he assembled two thousand Indians from 19 nations at Fort Niagara. As always his inducement was a large 'gift'. Colonel Bouquet was successful in reaching the Scioto River and obtaining peace agreements. But Colonel Bradstreet failed despite having Indians with him thanks to Johnson, due to his own megalomania and dream of setting himself up as the suzerain of all the nations around the Great Lakes. And George Croghan, as always acting to further his own interests, bungled his official expedition down the Ohio River.

 
 

Chapter 65 - The Lessons of Pontiac's War

The time is 1764 - 1769: This short chapter is devoted to analysis of the outcome and subsequent opinions drawn by the various contenders. Again, Anderson shows that the participants reached different conclusions - but mutually exclusive of each other and differing from reality. In particular Pontiac believed that his agreement to negotiate with William Johnson would result in his being accorded British support in becoming recognized as the principle leader of the western Indians and that the British would honor their commitments. He was wrong on both counts. Some Indian leaders 'learned' incorrectly that the British could be "coerced". British officials concluded that the apparent Indian agreement for peace was a result of British military superiority and aggressiveness. But they agreed reluctantly to reopen trade and supply of gifts including liquor. They also questioned whether or not they would or could continue the huge expense of the military establishment along the frontier. They did recognize that it was the colonists who abused the Indians in multiple ways while also objecting to, or even refusing to, acknowledge British authority. The colonial settlers concluded that the British authorities could not prevent them from taking Indian land and that their solution would be to exterminate the Indians.

 
 

Part IX. Crisis Compounded, 1765 - 1766

Summary: George Grenville creates and enacts his 'masterpiece' ( in his own estimation) the Stamp Act, then reluctantly the Quartering Act. He is forced to resign. The colonial legislatures dither and are unsure how to react. The town mobs take over and use violence to fight the Stamp Act despite the efforts of establishment elites to control the situation.

 
 

Chapter 66 - Stamp Act and Quartering Act

The time is Winter - Spring 1765: Dr. Anderson opens the story again with General Gage's report in which he believed George Croghan had succeeded in controlling the Indians as far as Illinois country but also had to include a new topic, the growing insurrections by city mobs in the leading provincial towns. Anderson also notes that in February Grenville, as first lord of the Treasury, introduced his long planned for Stamp Act after holding discussions with the representatives from each colony. He believed all was proceeding well and colonial objection would be muted at worst. The members of Parliament agreed and passed the measure with little debate. Only Isaac Barre{short description of image} adamantly opposed it. Anderson prints his vehement address in which he coined the popular phrase 'Sons of Liberty".

Anderson evaluates Grenville's work as a "masterpiece" of clever taxation. It would be self-enforcing and impossible to evade. And the resulting revenue would increase as the colonial economy expanded. Its rates were a third of what citizens in Britian already paid and were so mild and would raise revenue to be expended right in the colonies for their defense. The Act in detail established specific rates for the stamps to be applied to each type of mostly legal but also other documents. Moreover, the administration of the stamps would be assigned to colonial officials rather than British officers. The American colonial agents complied by nominating leading colonial citizens to the office in each province. But, preoccupied with colonial affairs, Grenville neglected his relationship with the King. From there General Gage was requesting to the secretary of war for Parliament to enact a strong basis for his providing quarters for the troops being withdrawn from the interior to the coast by expanding the Mutiny Act. The result was the Secretary of war, Welbore Ellis, drafted and sought to push through Parliament a Quartering Act without Grenville's knowledge. Grenville learned about this and crafted a vague substitution. But that didn't succeed in preventing strong opposition based on the 1628 Petition of Right. Franklin, Pownall and agents from other provinces provided language that was believed to be acceptable. It was NOT. Least of all was it acceptable to General Gage because it actually reduced rather than increased his legal right to quarter troops in private homes.

 
 

Chapter 67 - Grenville's End

The time is May- July 1765: Thus chapter is worth a careful read to see the influence of 'contingency' and also the decisive role of personality and personal relationships in politics.
King George was suffering from a mysterious illness and was focusing on arrangement to designate a regent for his young son. Grenville suspected Lord Butte was manipulating the situation so lectured the King that no previous sovereign had attempted to name his own future regent. In May Parliament passed a Regency Bill establishing a regency council. King George was furious. Separately silk weavers began to riot over unemployment. The King determined to get rid of Grenville.

After much controversy and failures, the King called upon his uncle, William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland (the looser on the continent but victor at Culloden) to form a new government. Of course Cumberland could not sit in the House but could be prime minister. The new cabinet included Charles Watson-Wentworth, second marquess of Rockingham{short description of image} as first lord of the Treasury, Augustus Henry Fitzroy, third duke of Grafton as secretary of state for the Northern Department, and General Henry Seymore Conway as secretary of state for the Southern Department {short description of image}and leader in the House. Cumberland left the experienced duke of Newcastle out. This government is generally known in school texts as the ineffective Rockingham government.

 
 

Chapter 68 - The Assemblies Vacillate

The time is Summer 1765: The assemblies discussed here are those of the provinces. Anderson, in these chapters, focuses on the contrasting roles of the elite establishment politicians and the 'rabble rousers' of self-made leaders of the mobs. Initially, the news of the Stamp Act created more confusion than rejection in the colonies. Reactions reflected the existing political factional conflicts in the various colonies. Anderson describes the responses of the main actors such as James Otis, Thomas Whately, and Stephen Hopkins and their important, influential pamphlets and newspaper essays. A vitriolic duel over 'rights' ensued in the press.

It was in Virginia that an oratorical explosion occurred, when, on May 29th, with many of the Burgesses absent a new, brash, young gentleman, Patrick Henry, rose to deliver his set of resolutions denouncing the attack on Englishmen's rights that Parliament had embodied in this Stamp Act. Lt. Governor Francis Fauquier duly reported to the Board of Trade describing the fifth 'resolve' as 'virulent and inflammatory. But once Henry left the assembly the delegates had rejected it. Nevertheless, these Virginia Resolves{short description of image} were rapidly reprinted throughout the colonies, and the printed versions were not exactly verbatum.

 
 

Chapter 69 - Mobs Respond

The time is Summer 1765: Anderson comments that the newspaper readers everywhere recognized the significance of the assertion that they should all defend 'colonial rights' which were now under attack by Parliament. He notes that the expression had originated in Williamsburg but action would begin in Boston. Boston was already the site of organized groups of which the "Loyal Nine" was a leading radical group. They quickly took up a cry for action. They organized the two local mobs to force the newly appointed Stamp agent, Andrew Oliver to resign. They succeeded and he surrendered under duress as the mobs set the city on fire. Governor Bernard fled to Castle William. Lt. Governor Thomas Hutchinson was 'chased through the streets'. His full destruction came soon after.

The author continues through the chapter to recount the continuing rebellions actions in Boston and the other colonies as they forced the Stamp agents to quit.

 
 

Chapter 70 - Nullification by violence, and an Elite Effort to Reassert Control

The time is October - November 1765: The Stamp Act was to take affect on 1 November, but by that time only James Wright, Governor of Georgia had the armed forces available to attempt to undertake the Act. In Massachusetts Governor Bernard did not have the military force required and was already defeated. In New York Governor Cadwallader Colden did have British troops available and the will to use them. But when the mob assaulted Colden in Fort George, General Gates was wise enough to refuse to use his army. Colden had to compromise. Meanwhile the colonial elite leaders convened a Stamp Act Congress in New York which issued a petition to Parliament and king.

Anderson summarizes the situation: "The delegates to the Stamp Act Congress in effect acted out in microcosm a political drama taking place in every colony, as gentlemen accustomed to controlling public life confronted a loss of control that looked as it it might become total." They wanted the Stamp Act rescinded but in a manner that would preserve social peace and not incite Parliament to use force. A solution they attempted was to declare an embargo on trade - a boycott of British merchants - which they hoped would cause so much economic harm the British would themselves demand the end of the Act. Anderson devotes attention to John Adams' increasing role as the author of numerous articles

 
 

Part X. Empire Preserved? 1766

Summary: The duke of Cumberland has his last involvement in politics. The new Rockingham administration compromises by repealing the Stamp Act but also reasserting the Proclamation of` 1763 and passing a Declaratory Act{short description of image}. The near complete cultural split between colonist understanding and that of British politicians predicts the future outcome.

 
 

Chapter 71 - The Repeal of the Stamp Act {short description of image}

The time is January - March 1766: Gradually the British politicians in the cabinet and Parliament received the increasingly negative reports about colonial reactions - violent mobs in control. They didn't know how to evaluate the situation or what to do. The duke of Cumberland relied on his experience at Culloden. Immediate force was required. The Secretary of state for the South, Henry Conway sent a directive to the provincial governors to enforce the laws, and an order to General Gates to support them fully. But Cumberland died as he was preparing to issue more orders. That left his cabinet (composed of his 'yes men') without a leader or policy.

(Another example both of 'contingency' and the role of personalities). Thus, Anderson considers that the result was that British political disruption was as much a cause as colonial chaos of succeeding events. He points to the personality of the marquess of Rockingham, first lord of the Treasury now in charge. He was vastly wealthy but also lazy and lacking in self assurance. The ministers dithered while attempting to get Pitt to take charge. But Pitt would agree only on the basis of unacceptable terms.

Anderson then provides the most detailed description of the Parliamentary debates over the Stamp Act and Declaratory Act. This information is lacking in or history books but should be studied and understood. Anderson includes several full speeches. Pitt, Grenville and others took active part. Many witnesses were called, including American agents. Benjamin Franklin spoke and answered questions for hours, British merchants provided detailed data on economic conditions. The British dilemma was that the Stamp Act must be repealed on economic grounds but that doing so must not in any way appear to infringe on the absolute sovereignty of King in Parliament over the colonies. There was much debate and specific economic data produced over the issue of the extent to which the colonies had actually provided financial and other resources during the French and Indian War. Thus the economic necessity to repeal and drastically change policy toward the colonies directly opposed the political necessity to strengthen administrative control.

This chapter is one of the most important in the book, not only for understanding the reality of what issues and beliefs were becoming causes of the American Revolution, but also for today to recognize how similar economic- political conditions affect policy now.

 
 

Chapter 72 - The Hollowness of Empire

The time is 1766: Dr. Anderson describes the favorable reactions which repeal of the Stamp Act generated both in England and America. But the real, underlying causes remained. And chief among these was incomprehension of the beliefs and motivations of other actors. As Anderson concludes: "The simultaneous passage of the Declaratory Act and the Stamp Act Repeal resolved the crisis of empire without altering the trinity of beliefs on which British reasoning about America rested."

 
 

Chapter 73 - Acrimonious Postlude: The Colonies after Repeal

The time is 1766: Dr. Anderson notes that the repeal did not alleviate the economic depression that had begun prior to the Act and due to deeper causes. But repeal did heighten political contention. He describes in detail the situation in the three most active provinces, New York, Massachusetts and Virginia. Internally Massachusetts had already divided politically into a 'court' party and a 'country' party. In 1766 the 'country' party - the opposition to the 'court' or establishment party - gained majority status in the House of Representatives. This caused Governor Sir Francis Bernard{short description of image} immediate difficulties over compensation for the damages the riots had created. The confrontations between Otis and Bernard expanded. The merchants sided with Otis, or he with them.

In New York it was Cadwallader Colden{short description of image} who clashed with the assembly. The new governor, Sir Henry Moore,{short description of image} tried to calm the situation but then General Gage increased the confrontation. Seeing the coming threats with only a handful of troops in the cities, he began moving units from Canada. The expenses of the movement became an argument with the assembly. Then this was intersected by a movement of New England 'squatters' into New York and onto the estates of the wealthy patroons - descendents of the original Dutch colonists. General Gage basically agreed with the 'squatters' but had to uphold the law, so sent regular units to uphold it. But the result made matters worse.

Another situation created conflict in Virginia. The Stamp Act and the reaction to it by Virginia's ruling plantation owners split a formerly uniformed elite. Again, the cause was personal interests. In this case Richard Henry Lee{short description of image} challenged his fellows in public on the basis of their moral failings, self-inerest, conduct unbecoming gentlemen and such. Lee attacked both Colonel George Mercer{short description of image} and John Robinson {short description of image}over matters of personal interest. Lee was an unceasing self-promoter but constantly in financial difficulty or debt. It turned out that the powerful and popular politician leader, Robinson, had embezzled public funds to save his planter friends during the financial crisis. The upshot was that the Treasury was legally bound to collect the embezzled funds from a host of the colony's most prominent leaders, funds they did not have and burn it, causing more deflation. But Mercer in London found Lee's application to be the Stamp agent, So everyone was in political bad odor with the public

The wealthy elite divided into conflicting camps over other issues as well. Powerful leaders owed each large sums made unpayable in the post-war depression so suits over debt and bankruptcy exploded. Lotteries and forced sales of slaves filled the papers. Debt knows no friend.
Anderson writes one of his typical remarks: "Honor, the gentleman's most prized possession, seemed suddenly to have grown even scarcer than money."

 
 

Chapter 74 - The Future of Empire

The time is 1766 - 1767: Dr. Anderson begins with a pithy summary: "In Massachusetts, a seismic shift in the balance of political power; in New York, a standoff between governor and assembly; in Virginia, a divided elite. All of these followed the Stamp Act, and the controversies surrounding it intensified them all, yet the Stamp Act caused none of them". He concludes with a tour of the frontier from Florida to Canada and west to the Great Lakes. The conflict between Indians seeking to preserve their homelands and the greedy white settlers flooding into the same regions was expanding. Only George Croghan's and William Johnson's diplomacy based on giving valuable 'gifts' and much rum was holding the coming explosion in abeyance.

 
 

Epilogue: Mount Vernon, June 24, 1767

An interesting effort by Anderson to bring his story full circle, back to George Washington and his personal efforts to make a living at Mount Vernon.

 

Return to Xenophon.